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THE
HISTORY OF VIRGINIA
IN FOUR PARTS.
I. The History op the first settlement of Virginia, and the gov-
ernment THEREOF, TO THE YEAR 1706.
II. The natural productions and conveniences of the country, suited
to trade and improvement.
III. The native Indians, their religion, laws and customs, in war and
peace.
IV* The present state of the country, as to the polity of the gov- ernment, AND THE IMPROVEMENTS OF THE LAND THE 10TH OF JuNE
1720.
BY ROBERT BEVERLEY,
A native and inhabitant of the place.
BEPRINTED FROM THE AUTHOR'S SECOND REVISED EDITION, LONDON, 1722.
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY CHAELES CAMPBELL,
Author of the Colonial History of Virginia.
J. W. RANDOLPH,
121 MAIN STREET, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA.
1855.
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Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1855, by
J. W. RANDOLPH,
la ttxe Clerk's Office of the District Court in and for the Eastern District of Virginia-
H. K. ELLYSON'S STEAM PRESSES, RICHMOND, VA.
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THE TABLE
BOOK I,
CHAPTER I.
History of the first attempts to settle Virginia, before the discovery of Chesapeake bay,
PAGE.
$1. Sir Walter Raleigh obtains letters paimt, for making discoveries in
America, ... ; ... 8
2. Two ships, set out on the discovery, and arrive at Roanoke inlet> . 9
Their account of the country, . * . . < 9
+ Their account of the natives, . ^ i . .9
8. Q,ueen Elizabeth names the country of Virginia, . . .10
4. Sir Richard Greenvile's voyage, . . _ * .10 . He plans the first colony, under command or Mr. Ralph Lane, . 1 1
5. The discoveries and accidents of the first colony, . • .11
6. Their distress by want of provisions, . . . .12 Sir Francis Drake visits them, . . . • • 12 He gives them a ship and necessaries, . * . .12 He takes them away with him, . . . . .12
7. Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir Richard Green vile, their voyages, . 13 The second settlement made, . . . . .13
8. Mr. John White's expedition, . . . . .13 The first Indian made a Christian there, . . . .14 The first child born there of Christian parentage, . . .14 Third settlement, incorporated by the name of the city of Raleigh,
in Virginia, . . . . . . .14
Mr. White, their governor, sent home to solicit for supplies, . 14
9. John White's second voyage ; last attempts to carry them recruits, 14 His disappointment, . . . . . .15
10. Capt. Gosnell's voyage to the coast of Cape Cod, * .15
11. The Bristol voyages, . . . . . .16
12. A London voyage, which discovered New York, . * .16
CHAPTER II.
Discovery of Chesapeake bay by the corporation of London adventurers j their colony at Jamestown, and proceedings during the government by an elective president and council.
513. The companies of London and Plymouth obtain charters, . 18
14. Captain Smith first discovers the capes of Virginia, . .19
15. He plants his first colony at Jamestown, . . . .20 An account of Jamestown island, . . > .20
16. He sends the ships home^ retaining one hundred and eight men
to keep possession, , , t , , .20
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THE TABLE,
17. That colony's mismanagement, . . . . .21 Their misfortunes upon discovery of a supposed gold mine, . 21
18. Their first supplies after settlement, . . . .22 Their discoveries, and experiments in English grain, . ,22 An attempt of some to desert the colony, . . . .22
19. The first Christian marriage in that colony, . . .23 They make three plantations more, . . . .23
CHAPTER III.
History of the colony after the change of their government, from an elective president to a commissionated governor, until the dissolution of the com- pany,
§20. The company get a new grant, and the nomination of the gover- nors in themselves, • . . . • 24 They send three governors in equal degree, . . 24 All three going in one ship, are shipwrecked at Bermudas, . 24 They build there two smaUcedar vessels, . . .24
21 . Captain Smith's return to England, . . • .25 Mismanagements ruin the colony, . . . .25 The first massacre and starving time, . . . .25 The first occasion of the ill character of Virginia, . .26 The five hundred men left by Captain Smith reduced to sixty in
six months time. . . . . . • 26
22. The three governors sail from Bermudas, and arrive at Virginia, 26
23. They take off the Christians that remained there, and design, by
way of Newfoundland, to return to England, . . . 27
Lord Delaware arrives and turns them back, . . .27
24. Sir Thomas Dale arrives governor, with supplies, . • 27
25. Sir Thomas Gates arrives governor, . . . .28 He plants out a new plantation, . . . • .28
26. Pocahontas made prisoner, and married to Mr. Rolfe, . . 28
27. Peace with the Indians, . . . . . .28
28. Pocahontas brought to England by Sir Thomas Dale, • . 29
29. Captain Smitn's petition to the queen in her behalf, . . 29
30. His visit to Pocahontas, . . . . • .32 An Indian's account of the people of England, . . .32
31. Pocahontas' reception at court, and death, . . .33
32. Captain Yardley's government, . . . • .34
33. Governor Argall's good administration, . . . .34
34. Powhatan's death, and successors, . . . .34 Peace renewed by the successors, . . . .34
35. Captain Argall's voyage from Virginia to New England, . 35
36. He defeats the French northward of New England, ; . 35
37. An account of those French, . . . . . 36
38. He also defeats the French in Acadia, . . . .36
39. His return to England, . . . . . -36 Sir George Yardley, governor, . . . . .36
40. He resettles the deserted plantation, and held the first assembly, . 36 The method of that assembly, . . • . .37
41. The first negroes carried to Virginia, . . . .37
42. Land apportioned to adventurers, . . . .37
43. A salt work and iron work in Virginia, . . . .38
44. Sir Francis Wyat made governor, . . • .38 King James, his instructions in care of tobacco, . . 38 Captain Newport's plantation < t . * .38
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45. Inferior courts in each plantation, . . . . .39 Too much familiarity with the Indians, . . . .39
46. The massacre by the Indians, anno 1622, . . .39
47. The discovery and prevention of it at Jamestown, . . 40
48. The occasion of the massacre, . . . . .41
49. A plot to destroy the Indians, . . . . .42
50. The discouraging effects of the massacre, . . . 43
51. The corporation in England are the chief cause of misfortunes in
Virginia, . . • . . . .43
52. The company dissolved, and the colony taken into the king's
hands, ........ 44
CHAPTER IV.
History of the government, from the dissolution of the company to the
year 1707.
353. King Charles First establishes the constitution of government, in
the methods appointed by the first assembly, . . .45
54. The ground of the ill settlement of Virginia, . . .45
55. Lord Baltimore in Virginia, . . . . . 46
56. Lord Baltimore, proprietor of Maryland, . . .46 Maryland named from the queen, . . - .46
57. Young Lord Baltimore seats Maryland, . . . .46 Misfortune to Virginia, by making Maryland a distinct govern- ment, . . . . . . .47
58. Great grants and defalcations from Virginia, . . .47
59. Governor Harvey sent prisoner to England, and by the king re-
manded back governor again, . . . . .47
60. The last Indian massacre, . . . . .48
61 . A character and account of Oppechaneanough, the Indian em-
peror, . . , . . . .48
62. Sir William Berkeley made governor, . . .49
63. He takes Oppechaneanough prisoner, . . . .49 Oppechancanough's death, . . . . .50
64. A new peace with the Indians, but the country disturbed by the
troubles in England, . . . . . -50
65. Virginia subdued by the protector, Cromwell, . . .50
66. He binds the plantations by an act of navigation, . . 51
67. His jealousy and change of governors in Virginia, . .51
68. Upon the death of Matthews, the protector's governor, Sir Wil-
liam Berkeley is chosen by the people, . . .52
69. He proclaims King Charles II before he was proclaimed in
England, . . . . . • .52
70. King Charles II renews Sir William Berkeley's commission, . 52
71. Sir William Berkeley makes Colonel Morrison deputy governor,
and goes to England, . * . • . .53
The king renews the act concerning the plantation, . . 53
72. The laws revised, . . . . . .53
The church of England established by law, . * . 53.
73. Clergy provided for by law, . . . . .53
74. The public charge of the government sustained by law, . 53
75. Encouragement of particular manufactures by law, . . 54
76. The instruction for all ships to enter at Jamestown, used by law, 54
77. Indian affairs settled by law, . . . . * 54
78. Jamestown encouraged by law, . , • . ,54
79. Restraints upon sectaries in religion^ . « . . 55
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THE TABL E .
80. A plot to subvert the government, . . * .55
81. The defeat of the plot, . . . . . . 55
82. An anniversary feast upon that occasion, . . • 56
83. The king commands the building a fort at Jamestown, . 56
84. A new restraint on the plantations by act of parliament, . 56
85. Endeavors for a stint in planting tobacco, . . .56 S6. Another endeavor at a stint defeated, . . . .57
87. The king sent instructions to build forts, and confine the trade to
certain ports, , . . . . . .57
88. The disappointment of those ports, . . . .58
89. Encouragement of manufactures enlarged, . . .58
90. An attempt to discovery the country backward, . . 59 Captain Batt's relation of that discovery, . . .59
91. Sir William Berkeley intends to procecute that discovery in person, 60
92. The grounds of Bacon's rebellion, . . . .60 Four ingredients thereto, . . . . .61
93. First, the low price of tobacco, . . . . .61 Second, splitting the country into proprieties, . . .61 The country send agents, to complain of the propriety grants, . 61
94. Third, new duties by act in England on the plantations, . 62
95. Fourth, disturbances on the land frontiers by the Indians, . 62 First, by the Indians on the head of the bay, . . .62 Second,, by the Indians on their own frontiers, . . ., 63
96. The people rise against the Indians, . . . .63 They choose Nathan Bacon, jr., for their leader, ._ .63
97. He heads them, and sends to the governor for a commission, . 64
98. He begins his march without a commission, . . . 64 The governor sends for him, . . . . .65
99. Bacon goes down in a sloop with forty of his men to the governor, 65
100. Goes away in a huff, is pursued and brought back by governor, 65
101. Bacon steals privately out of town, and marches down to the as-
sembly with six hundred of his volunteers, . .65
102. The governor, by advice of assembly, signs a commission to Mr.
Bacon to be general, . . . . . .66
103. Bacon being marched away with his men is proclaimed rebel, . 66
104. Bacon returns with his forces to Jamestown, . . .66
105. The governor flies to Accomac, . . . . .66 The people there begin to make ierms with him, . .67
106. Bacon holds a convention of gentlemen, . . .67 They propose to take an oath to him, . . . .67
107. The forms of the oath, 67
108. The governor makes head against him, . . . .69 General Bacon's death, . . . . .69
109. Bacon's followers surrender upon articles, . . .69
110. The agents compound with the proprietors, . . .69
111. A new charter to Virginia, . . . . .70
112. Soldiers arrive from England, . . . . .70
113. The dissolution by Bacon's rebellion, . • . .70
114. Commissioners arrive in Virginia, and Sir William Berkeley re-
turns to England, . . . . . .71
115. Herbert Jeffreys, esq., governor, concludes peace with Indians, 71
116. Sir Henry Chicheley, deputy governor, builds forts against Indians, 71 The assembly prohibited the importation of tobacco, . . 72
117. Lord Colepepper, governor, . . . . ,72
118. Lord Colepepper's first assembly, . . , .72 He passes several obliging acts to the country, . . ,72
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VII
119. He doubles the governor's salary, . . . .72
120. He imposes the perquisite of ship money, . . # .73
121. He, by proclamation, raises the value of Spanish coins, and
lowers it again, . . . . . .73
122. Sir Henry Chicheley, deputy governor, - . . .74 The plant cutting, . . . . . .74
123. Lord Colepepper's second assembly, . . . . 75 He takes away appeals to the assembly, . . .75
124. His advantage thereby in the propriety of the Northern Neck, . 76
1 25. He retrenches the new methods of court proceedings, . . 77
126. He dismantled the forts on the heads of rivers, and appointed ,
rangers in their stead, . . . . . .77
1 27. Secretary Spencer, president, . , . • 77
128. Lord Effingham, governor, . . . . .77 Some of his extraordinary methods of getting money, . . 77 Complaints against him, . . . . .78
129. Duty on liquors first raised, . . . * .78
130. Court of Chancery by Lord Effingham, . . .78
131. Colonel Bacon, president, . . . . . 79 The college designed, . . . . . .79
132. Francis Nicholson, lieutenant governor, . . . .79 He studies popularity, . . . , . ,79 The college proposed to him, . . . . .79 He refuses to call an assembly, . . . . .79
133. He grants a brief to the college, . . . .79
134. The assembly address King William and Q,ueen Mary for a col-
lege charter, . . . . . . .80
The education intended by this college, . . . .80
The assembly present the lieutenant governor, . . .80
His method of securing this present, . . . .80
135. Their majesties grant the charter, . . • m . 80 They grant liberally towards the building and endowing of it, . 80
136. The lieutenant governor encourages towns and manufactures, . 80 Gentlemen of the council complain of him and are misused, . 81 He falls off from the encouragement of the towns and trade, . 81
137. Edmund Andros, governor, . . . . .81 The town law suspended, . . . . .81
138. The project of a post office, . . . .81
139. The college charter arrived, . . . . .81 The college further endowed, and the foundation laid, . .82
140. Sir Edmund Andros encourages manufactures, and regulates
the secretary's office, . . . . . .82
141. A child born in the old age of the parents, . . .83
142. Francis Nicholson, governor, . . . . .83 His and Colonel (iuarrey's memorials against plantations, . 84
143. His zeal for the church and college, . . . .84
144. He removes the general court from Jamestown, . . .84
145. The takiDg of the pirate, . . . . .84
146. The sham bills of nine hundred pounds for New York, . . 86
147. Colonel Q,uarrey3s unjust memorials, . . . .87
148. Governor Nott arrived, . . . . . .88
149. Revisal of the law finished, . . . . .88
150. Ports and towns again set on foot, . . . .88
151. Slaves a real estate, , . . . . .88
152. A house built for the governor, . . . . .88 Governor dies, and the college burnt, . . . .88
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THE TABLE,
153. Ed mond Jennings, esq., president,
154. Alexander Spotswood, lieutenant governor,
BOOK II.
89
Natural Productions and Conveniences of Virginia in its unimproved state, before the English went thither.
CHAPTER I.
Bounds and Coast of Virginia.
§1. Present bounds of Virginia1, . . . . .90
2. Chesapeake bay, and the sea coast of Virginia, . . .91
3* What is meant by the word Virginia in this book, . . 91
CHAPTER II. Of the Waters.
§4. Conveniency of the bay and rivers, . . . .93
5. Springs and fountains descending to the rivers, . . .93
6. Damage to vessels by the worm, , . . . .94 Ways of avoiding that damage, . . . . .94
CHAPTER III.
Earths, and Soils,
§7. The soil in general, . . . . .96
River lands — lower, middle and upper, . . . .96
8. Earths and clays, . . . . . . .98
Coal, slate and stone, and why not used, . . . .98
9. Minerals therein, and iron mine formerly wrought upon, . 98 Supposed gold mines lately discovered, . . . .99 That this gold mine was the supreme seat of the Indian temples
formerly, . . . . . . .99
That their chief altar was there also, . . . .99
Mr. Whitaker's account of ,a silver mine, . . .99
10. Hills in Virginia, 100
Springs in the high lands, . . . . .101
CHAPTER IV.
Wild Fruits.
§11. Spontaneous fruits in general, . . . . .102
12. Stoned fruits, viz : cherries, plums and persimmons, . .102
13. Berries, viz : mulberries, currants, hurts, cranberries, raspberries
and strawberries, . . . . . .103
14. Of nuts, . • . ■ 104
15. Of grapes, . . . . . . 105
The report of some French vignerons formerly sent in thither, . 107
16. Honey, and the sugar trees, . . . . .107
17. Myrtle tree, and myrtle wax, . . . . .108 Hops growing wild, . , . . . .109
18. Great variety of seeds, plants and flowers, . . .109 Two snake roots, . . . . . .109
Jamestown weed, . . . . . .110
Some curious flowers, . . . . . .111
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IX
19. Creeping vines bearing fruits, viz : melons, pompions, macocks,
gourds, maracocks, and cushaws, . . . .112
20. Other fruits, roots and plants of ^the Indians, . . .114 Several sorts of Indian corn, . . . . .114
Of potatoes, . . . . . .115
Tobacco, as it was ordered by the Indians, . . .116
CHAPTER V.
Fish.
^21. Great plenty and variety of fish, . . . • 117
Vast shoals of herrings, shad, &,c, . . . .117
22. Continuality of the fishery, . . . . .118 The names of some of the best edible fish, . . .118 The names of some that are not eaten, . . . .118
23. Indian children catching fish, . . ♦ . .118 Several inventions of the Indians to take fish, . . .119
24. Fishing hawks and bald eagles, . . . . .121 Fish dropped in the orchard, . . . . .121
CHAPTER VI.
Wild Fowl and Hunted Game.
§25. Wild Water Fowl, • 123
26. Game in the marshes and watery grounds, . . .123
27. Game in the highlands and frontiers, . . . .123 Of the Opossum, . . . . . .124
28. Some Indian ways of hunting, . . . . .124
Fire hunting, . . . . . . .124
Their hunting quarters, . . . . . ,125
29. Conclusion, . . . . . . .126
BOOK III.
Indians, their Religion, Laws and Customs, in War and Peace.
CHAPTER I.
Persons of the Indians, and their Dress.
. 127
§1. Persons of the Indians, their color and shape,
2. The cut of their hair, and ornament of their head,
3. Of their vesture, .
4. Garb peculiar to their priests and conjurors,
5. Of the women's dress, ....
CHAPTER II. Matrimony of the Indians, and Management of their Children.
§6. Conditions of their marriage, ....
7. Maidens, and the story of their prostitution.
8. Management of the young children,
CHAPTER III. Towns, Building and Fortification of the Indians. §9. Towns and kingdoms of the Indians,
128 128 130 131
133 133 134
10. Manner of their building,
11. Their fuel, or fire wood,
135 135
136
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THE TABLE.
1 2. Their seats and lodging,
13. Their fortifications,
CHAPTER IV. Cookery and Food of the Indians.
§14. Their cookery, .
15. Their several sorts of food,
16. Their tirrjes of eating,
17. Their drink,
18. Their ways of dining,
CHAPTER V.
Traveling, Reception and entertainment of the Indians.
§19. Manner of their traveling, and provision they make for it, Their way of concealing their course,
20. Manner of their reception of strangers, The pipe of peace, ....
21. Their entertainment of honorable friends,
CHAPTER VI.
Learning and Languages of the Indians.
§22. That they are without letters,
Their descriptions by hieroglyphics, Heraldry and arms of the Indians, 23. That they have different languages, Their general language, .
CHAPTER VII. War and Peace of the Indians.
§24. Their consultations and war dances, ,
25. Their barbarity upon a victory, .....
26. Descent of the crown,
27. Their triumphs for victory, . . , .
28. Their treaties of peace, and ceremonies upon conclusion of peace,
CHAPTER VIII. Religion, Worship anql Superstitious Customs of the Indians.
§29. Their quioccassan and idol of worship,
30. Their notions of God, and worshiping the evil spirit,
31. Their pawwawing or conjurations,
32. Their huskanawing,
33. Reasons of this custom, .
34. Their offerings and sacrifice,
35. Their set feasts, *
36. Their account of time, .
37. Their superstition and zealotry,
38. Their regard to the priests and magicians,
39. Places of their worship and sacrifice, Their pawcorances or altar stones,
40. Their care of the bodies of their princes after death,
136 136
138 139 140 140 141
142 142 143 143 145
147 140 147
148 148
149 149 150 150 151
152 155 157
160 164 165 165 165 166 167 168 168 169
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CHAPTER IX.
Diseases and Cures of the Indians.
641. Their diseases in general, and burning for cure, Their sucking, scarifying and blistering, Priests' secrecy in the virtues of plants, . Words wisoccan, wighsacan and woghsacan, Their physic, and the method of it, 42. Their bagnios or baths, Their oiling after sweating,
CHAPTER X.
Sports and Pastimes of the Indians,
643. Their sports and pastimes in general,
Their singing, .... Their dancing, .... A mask used among them, Their musical instruments,
CHAPTER XI.
Laws, and Authorities of the Indians among one another.
544. Their laws in general,
Their severity and ill manners, . Their implacable resentments, . 45. Their honors, preferments and authorities, Authority of the priests and conjurers, Servants or black boys, .
CHAPTER XII.
Treasure or Riches of the Indians.
646. Indian money and goods,
CHAPTER XIII.
Handicrafts of the Indians.
§47. Their lesser crafts, as making bows and arrows,
48. Their making canoes, .... Their clearing woodland ground,
49. Account of the tributary Indians,
BOOK IY.
Present State of Virginia.
PART I.
Polity and Government.
CHAPTER I,
Constitution of Government in Virginia.
§1. Constitution of government in general, % Governor, his authority and salary,
171 171 171 172 172 172 173
175 175 175 176 177
178 178 179 179 179 179
180
182 182 183
185
186 188
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THE TABLE.
S. Council and their authority, 4. House of burgesses,
189
190
CHAPTER II.
Sub-Divisions of Virginia,
§5. Division of the country, . . .
6. Division of the country by necks of land, counties and parishes,
7. Division of the country by districts for trade by navigation,
CHAPTER III.
Public Offices of Government. §8. General officers as are immediately commissionated from the throne, 196
192 192 194
Auditor, Receiver General and Secretary, Salaries of those officers, . 9. Other general officers,
Ecclesiastical commissary and country's treasurer,
10. Other public officers by commission, Escheators,
Naval officers and collectors, Clerks and sheriffs, Surveyors of land and coroners, .
11. Other officers without commission,
CHAPTER IV.
Standing Revenues or Public Funds.
196 197 197 197 197 198 198 198 199 199
200 200 201
§12. Public funds in general, .....
13. duit rent fund, . .
14. Funds for maintenance of the government,
15. Funds for extraordinary occasions, under the disposition of the as-
sembly, . . . . . . .201
16. Revenue granted by the act of assembly to the college, . . 202
17. Revenue raised by act of parliament in England from the trade
there,
CHAPTER V. Levies for Payment of the Public, County and Parish Debts.
202
|
^18. Several ways of raising money, . |
. 203 |
|
Titheables, ..... |
. 203 |
|
19. Public levy, ..... |
. 203 |
|
20. County levy, |
. 204 |
|
21. Parish levy, ..... |
. 204 |
CHAPTER VI.
Courts of Law in Virginia,
§22. Constitution of their courts,
23. Several sorts of courts among them,
24. General court in particular, and its jurisdiction, .
205 206 206
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25. Times of holding a general court, ...» 206
26. Officers attending this court, . . . • . 206
27. Trials by juries and empannelling grand juries, . . . 207
28. Trial of criminals, . . . ' . .. . 207
29. Time of suits, 208
30. Lawyers and pleadings, . . „ . . . 208
31. County courts, ,. . . . .208
32. Orphans' courts, 209
CHAPTER VII. Church and Church Affairst
§33. Parishes, . . . . . . .210
34. Churches and chapels in each parish, . . . .210
35. Religion of the country, . . . . . .210
36. Benefices of . the clergy, . . . . .210
37. Disposition of parochial affairs, . . . . .211
38. Probates, administrations, and marriage licenses, . .212
39. Induction of ministers, and precariousness of their livings, . 213
CHAPTER VIII.
Concerning the College*
$40. College endowments, . . . . . .214
41. The college a corporation, . . . .214
42. Governors and visitors of the college in perpetual succession, . 215
43. College buildings, . . . . . .215
44. Boys and schooling, . . . . . 215
CHAPTER IX.
Military Strength in Virginia,
§45. Forts and fortifications, . . . . . .217
46. Listed militia, . . . . . . -217
47. Number of the militia, ...... 217
48. Service of the militia, . . . . . .218
49. Other particulars of the troops and companies, . . .218
CHAPTER X.
Servants and Slaves,
$50. Distinction between a servant and a slave, . . .219
51. Work of their servants and slaves, . . . .219
52. Laws in favor of servants, ..... 220
CHAPTER XL Provision for the Poor, and other Public Charitable Works.
§53. Legacy to the poor, . . . . . . 223
54. Parish methods in maintaining their poor, . . . 223
55. Free schools, and schooling of children, .... 224
CHAPTER XII. Tenure of Lands and Grants.
656. Tenure and patents of their lands, .... 225
57. Several ways of acquiring grants of land, • . . 225
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THE TABL]
58. Rights to land, . . .
59. Patents upon survey,
60. Grants of lapsed land, .....
61. Grants of escheat land, .....
CHAPTER XIII.
Liberties and Naturalization of Aliens.
662. Naturalizations, . . .
63. French refugees at the Manican town, .
CHAPTER XIV.
Currency and Valuation of Coins.
$64. Coins current among them, what rates, and why carried from among them to the neighboring plantations,
PART II.
Husbandry and Improvements.
CHAPTER XV.
People, Inhabitants of Virginia.
§65. First peopling of Virginia, .
66. First accession of wives to Virginia,
67. Other ways by which the country was increased in people,
CHAPTER XVI.
225
225 226 227
228 228
230
§68. Public buildings, 69. Private buildings,
Buildings in Virginia.
CHAPTER XVII. Edibles, Potables and Fuel.
231 231 232
234 235
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§70. Cookery, ...... |
. 236 |
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71. Flesh and fish, ...... |
. 236 |
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72. Bread, ... |
, 237 |
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73. Their kitchen gardens, . |
. 237 |
|
74. Their drinks, ...... |
. 238 |
|
75. Their fuel, . . |
- 238 |
CHAPTER XVIII.
Clothing in Virginia.
§76. Clothing,
Slothfulness in handicrafts, ....
CHAPTER XIX.
Temperature of the Climate, and the Inconveniences attending it.
ill. Natural temper and mixture of the air, . 78. Climate and happy situation of the latitude, . .
239 239
240' 240
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THE TABLE. |
XV |
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79. Occasions of its ill character, . |
. 241 |
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Rural pleasures, ..... |
. 241 |
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80. Annoyances, or occasions of uneasiness, |
. 243 |
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Thunders, . . . . . |
. 243 |
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Heat, . . . . |
. 243 |
|
Troublesome insects, .... |
. 243 |
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81. Winters, . . . . |
. 250 |
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Sudden changes of the weather, |
. 251 |
CHAPTER XX. Diseases incident to the Country.
§82. 83. 84. 85.
Diseases in general, Seasoning, Cachexia and yaws, Gripes,
CHAPTER XXI. Recreations and Pastimes in Virginia.
252 253 253 253
|
$86. Diversions in general, |
. 254 |
||
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87. Deer-hunting, |
. 254 |
||
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88. Hare-hunting, |
. |
. 254 |
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89. Vermin-hunting, |
. 255 |
||
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90. Taking wild turkies, |
. 256 |
||
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91. Fishing, . |
. 256 |
||
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92. Small game,* |
. 256 |
||
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93. Beaver, |
. 256 |
||
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94. Horse-hunting, . |
. 257 |
||
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95. Hospitality, |
. 258 |
CHAPTER XXII. Natural Product of Virginia, and the Advantages of Husbandry.
|
§96. Fruits, ...... |
. 259 |
|
97. Grain, |
. 261 |
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98. Linen, silk and cotton, |
. 261 |
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99. Bees and cattle, . . . . . |
. 262 |
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100. Usefulness of the woods, .... |
. 263 |
|
101. Indolence of the inhabitants, . . . - . |
. 263 |
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THE PREFACE.
My first business in the world being among the public records of my country, the active thoughts of my youth put me upon taking notes of the general administration of the government; but with no other design, than the gratification of my own inquisitive mind; these lay by me for many years afterwards, obscure and secret, and would forever have done so, had not the following accident produced them :
In the year 1703, my* affairs calling me to England, I was soon after my arrival, complimented by my bookseller with an intimation, that there was prepared for printing a general account of all her ma- jesty's plantations in America, and his desire, that I would overlook it before it was put to the press; I agreed to overlook that part of it which related to Virginia.
Soon after this he brings me about six sheets of paper written, which contained the account of Virginia and Carolina. This it seems was to have answered a part of Mr. Oldmixion's British Empire in America. I very innocently, (when I began to read,) placed pen and paper by me, and made my observations upon the first page, but found it in the sequel so very faulty, and an abridgement only of some accounts that had been printed sixty or seventy years ago; in which also he had chosen the most strange and untrue parts, and left out the more sincere and faithful, so that I laid aside all thoughts of further observations, and gave it only a reading; and my bookseller for answer, that the account was too faulty and too imperfect to be mended ; withal telling him, that seeing I had in my junior days taken some notes of the government, which I then had with me in Eng- land, I would make him an account of my own country, if I could find time, while I staid in London. And this I should the rather undertake in justice to so fine a country, because it has been so misrepresented to the common people of England, as to make them believe that the ser- vants in Virginia are made to draw in cart and plow as horses and oxen do in England, and that the country turns all people black who go to live there, with other such prodigious phantasms.
Accordingly, before I left London, I gave him a short history of the country, from the first settlement, with an account of its then state; but I would not let him mingle it with Oldmixion's other account of the plantations, because I took them to be all of a piece with those I had seen of Virginia and Carolina, but desired mine to be printed C
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XVIII PREFACE.
by itself. And this I take to be the only reason of that gentleman's re- flecting so severely upon me in his book, for I never saw him in my life that I know of.
But concerning that work of his, I may with great truth say, that (notwithstanding his boast of having the assistance of many original papers and memorials that I had not the opportunity of) he nowhere varies from the account that I gave, nor advances anything new of his own, but he commits so many errors, and imposes so many falsities upon the world, To instance some few out of the many:
Page 210, he says that they were near spent with cold, which is impossible in that hot country.
Page 220, he says that Captain Weymouth, in 1605, entered Pow- hatan river southward of the bay of Chesapeake; whereas
Powhatan river is now called James river, and lies within the mouth of Chesapeake bay some miles, on the west side of it; and Captain Weymouth's voyage was pnly to Hudson's river, which is in New York, much northward of the capes of Virginia.
Page 236, he jumbles the Potomac and eastern shore Indians as if they lived together, and never quarrelled with the English; whereas the last lived on the east side the great bay of Chesapeake, and the other on the west. The eastern shore Indians never had any quarrel with the English, but the Potomacs used many treacheries and enmities towards us, and joined in the intended general massacre, but by a timely discovery were prevented doing anything.
Page 245, he says that Morrison held an assembly, and procured that body of laws to be made; whereas Morrison only made an abridg- ment of the laws then in being, and compiled them into a regular body; and this he did by direction of Sir William Berkeley, who, upon his going to England, left Morrison his deputy governor.
Page 248, he says (viz: in Sir William Berkeley's time) the English could send seven thousand men into the field, and have twice as many at home; whereas at this day they cannot do that, and yet have three times as many people in the country as they had then. By page 251, he seems altogether ignorant of the situation of Vir- ginia, the head of the bay and New York, for he there says :
"When the Indians at the head of the bay traveled to New York, they past, going and coming, by the frontiers of Virginia, and traded with the Virginians, &c,;" whereas the head of the bay is in the common route of the Indians traveling from New York to Virginia, and much about halfway.
Page 255, he says Sir William Berkeley withdrew himself from his government; whereas he went not out of it, for the counties of Acco- mac and Northampton, to which he retired, when the rebels rose.
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PREFACE. XIX
were two counties of his government, and only divided from the rest by the bay of Chesapeake.
Page 266, he says, Dr. Thomas Bray went over to be president of the college in Virginia; whereas he was sent to Maryland, as the bishop's commissary there. And Mr. Blair, in the charter to the college, was made president during life, and is still alive. He also says, that all that was subscribed for the college came to nothing; whereas all the subscriptions were in a short time paid in, and expended upon the college, of which two or three stood suit, and were cast.
Page 269, he tells of camels brought by some Guina ships to Vir- ginia, but had not then heard how they throve with us. I don't know how he should, for there never was any such thing done.
Then his geography of the country is most absurd, notwithstanding the wonderful care he pretends to have of the maps, and his expert knowledge of the new surveys, (page 278) making almost as many faults as descriptions. For instance;
Page 272, Prince George county, which lies all on the southside of James river, he places on the north, and says that part of James City county, and four of the parishes of it, lie on the southside of James river ; whereas not one inch of it has so done these sixty years.
Page 273, his account of Williamsburg is most romantic and untrue; and so is his account of the college, page 302, 303.
Page 274, he makes Elizabeth and Warwick counties to lie upon York river; whereas both of them lie upon James river, and neither of them comes near York river.
Page 275, he places King William county above New Kent, and on both sides Pamunkey river; whereas it lies side by side with New Kent, and all on the north side Pamunkey river. He places King and Q,ueen county upon the south of New Kent, at the head of Chick- ahominy river, which he says rises in it; whereas that county lies north of New Kent from head to foot, and two large rivers and two entire counties are between the head of Chickahominy and King & Q,ueen. Essex, Richmond and Stafford counties, are as much wrong placed.
He says that York and Rappahannock rivers issue out of low marshes, and not from the mountains as the other rivers, which note he has taken from some old maps ; but is a false account from my own view, for I was with our present governor at the head spring of both those rivers, and their fountains are in the highest ridge of mountains.
Page 276, he says that the neck of land between Niccocomoco river and the bay, is what goes by the name of the northern neck; whereas it is not above the twentieth part of the northern neck, for that con- tains all that track of land which is between Rappahannock and Po- tomac rivers,
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XX PREFACE,
How unfaithful and frontless must such an historian be, who can upon guess work introduce such falsities for ' truth, and bottom them upon such bold assertions'? It would make a book larger than his own to expose his errors, for even the most general offices of the government he misrecites.
Page 298, he says the general court is called the quarter court, and is held every quarter of a year; wheYeas it never was held but three times a year, tho9 it was called a quarter court. When he wrote, it was held but twice a year, as I had wrote in my book, and has not been called a quarter court these seventy -nine years. The county courts were never limited in their jurisdiction to any summons, neither was the sheriff ever a judge in them, as he would have it, but always a ministerial officer to execute their process, &c.
The account that I have given in the following sheets is plain and true, and if it be not written with so much judgment, or in so good a method and style as I could wish, yet in the truth of it I rest fully satisfied. In this edition I have also retrenched such particulars as related only to private transactions, and characters in the historical part, as being too diminutive to be transmitted to posterity, and set down the succession of the governors, with the more general incidents of their government, without reflection upon the private conduct of any person.
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INTRODUCTION.
The name of Beverley has long been a familiar one in Vir« ginia. It is said that the family may be traced among the re- cords of the town of Beverley in England, as far back as to the time of King John. During the reign of Henry VIII, one of the Beverleys was appointed by the Crown a commis- sioner for enquiring into the state and condition of the north- ern monasteries. The family received some grants of church property, and one branch of them settled at Shelby, the other at Beverley, in Yorkshire. In the time of Charles I, John Beverley of Beverley adhered to the cause of royalty, and at the restoration his name appears in the list of those upon whom it was intended to confer the order of the Boyal Oak. Robert Beverley of Beverley, the representative of the family, having sold his possessions in that town, removed with a con- siderable fortune to Virginia, where he purchased extensive -tracts of land. He took up his residence in the county of Middlesex. Elected clerk of the House of Burgesses, "he con- tinued to hold that office until 1676, the year of Bacon's re- bellion, in suppressing which he rendered important services, and by his loyal gallantry won the marked favor of the Go- vernor, Sir William Berkley. In 1682 the discontents of Vir- ginia arose again almost to the pitch of rebellion. Two ses- sions of the Assembly having been spent in angry and fruitless disputes, between Lord Culpepper, the Governor, and the House of Burgesses, in May of that year, the malecontents in the counties of Gloucester, New Kent and Middlesex, proceeded riotously to cut up the tobacco plants in the beds, especially
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/S INTRODUCTION.
the sweet-scented, which was produced nowhere else. Culpep- per, the Governor, prevented further waste by patrols of horse. The ringleaders were arrested, and some of them hanged upon a charge of treason. A riot-act was also passed, making plant- cutting high treason, the necessity of which act evinces the illegality of the execution of these unfortunate plant-cutters. The vengeance of the government fell heavily upon Major Ro- bert Beverley, clerk of the House of Burgesses, as the prin- cipal instigator of these disturbances. He had before incurred the displeasure of the governor and council, by refusing to deliver up to them copies of the legislative journal, without permission of the Assembly. Thus by a firm adherence to his duty, he drew down upon himself an unrelenting persecution.
In May, 1682, he was committed a prisoner on board the ship, the Duke of York, lying in the Rappahannock river. Ralph Wormley, Matthew Kemp, and Christopher Wormley, were directed to seize the records in Beverley's possession, and to^ break open doors if necessary. Beverley was after- wards transferred from the Duke of York to the ship Con- cord, and a guard was set over him. Contriving however to escape from Jbhe custody of the sheriff at York, the fugitive was retaken at his own house in Middlesex county, and transported over to the county of Northampton, on the Eastern Shore. Some months afterwards he applied by his attorney, William Fitzhugh, for a writ of habeas corpus, which however was re- fused. In a short time being again found at large, he was again arrested, k and remanded to Northampton. In 1683 new charges were brought against him : 1st. That he had broken open letters addressed to the Secretary's office ; 2d. That he had made up the journal, and inserted his Majesty's letter therein, notwithstanding it had been first presented at the time of the prorogation ; 3d. That in 1682 he had refused to deliver copies of the journal to the governor and council, saying "he might not do it without leave of his masters."
In May, 1684, Major Robert Beverley was found guilty of high misdemeanors, but judgment being respited, and the prisoner asking pardon on his bended knees, was released upon giving security! for his good behavior in the penalty of «£2,000. The abject terms in which he now sued for pardon,
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INTRODUCTION. 3
form a singular contrast to the constancy of his former re- sistance, and the once gallant and loyal Beverley, the stren- uous partizan of Berkley, thus became the victim of that tyranny which he had once so resolutely defended. He had not however lost the esteem of his countrymen, for in 1685 he was again elected clerk of the Assembly. This body strenuously resisted the negative power claimed by the governor, and passed resolutions complaining strongly of his tyranny. He negatived them, and prorogued the Assembly. James II, in- dignant at these democratical proceedings, ordered their disso- lution, and attributing these disorders mainly to Robert Bever- ly, their clerk, commanded that he should be incapable of holding any office, and that he should be prosecuted, and that in future the appointment of their clerk should be made by the governor.
In the spring of 1687 Robert Beverley died, the persecu- ted victim of an oppressive government. Long a distinguished loyalist, he lived to become a sort of patriot martyr. It is thus that in the circle of life extremes meet. He married Catherine Hone of James City, and their children were four sons : Peter, William, Harry, and Robert, (the historian,) and three daughters, who married respectively, William Randolph, eldest son of William Randolph of Turkey Island; Sir John Randolph, his brother, of Williamsburg ; and John Robinson. Peter Beverley was appointed clerk of the Assembly in 1691.
In the preface to the first edition of his History of Vir- ginia, published at London 1705, Robert Beverley says of himself : " I am an Indian, and don't pretend to be exact in my language." This intimation may perhaps have been merely playful, but the full and minute account that he has given of the Indians, shows that he took a peculiar interest in that race.
In the preface to the second edition of his history, now republished, he remarks : " My first business in this world being among the public records of my country, the active thoughts of my youth put me upon taking notes of the general ad- ministration of the government." He was probably a deputy in his father's office, and perhaps also in that of Ibis brother Peter Beverley. This Peter Beverley was in 1714 promoted
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4 INTRODUCTION.
to the place of speaker of the House of Burgesses, and he was subsequently treasurer of the colony. Robert Beverley, the historian, was born in Virginia, and educated in England. He married Ursula, daughter of William Byrd of Westover, on the James river. She lies buried at Jamestown. John Fontaine, son of a Huguenot refugee, having come over from England to Virginia, visited Kobert Beverley, the author of this work, in the year 1715, at his residence, near the head of the Mattapony. Here he cultivated several varieties of the grape, native and French, in a vineyard of about three acres, situated upon the side of a hill, from which he made in that year four hundred gallons of wine. He went to very consider- able expense in this enterprise, having constructed vaults of a wine press. But Fontaine comparing his method with that used in Spain, deemed it erroneous, and that his vineyard was not rightly managed. The home-made wine Fontaine drank heartily of, and found it good, but he was satisfied by the flavor of it that Beverley did not understand how to make it properly. Beverley lived comfortably, yet although wealthy, had nothing in or about his house but what was actually necessary. He had good beds, but no curtains, and instead of cane chairs used wooden stools. He lived mainly within himself upon the products of his land. He had laid a sort of wager with some of the neighboring planters, he giving them one guinea in hand, and they promising to pay him each ten guineas, if in seven years he should cultivate a vineyard that would yield at one vintage seven hundred gallons of wine. Beverley there- upon paid them down one hundred pounds, and Fontaine en- tertained no doubt but that in the next year he would win the thousand guineas. Beverley owned a large tract of land at the place of his residence. On Sunday Fontaine accompanied him to his parish church, seven miles distant, where they heard a good sermon from the Rev. M. De Latane, a French- man. A son of Beverley accompanied Fontaine in some of his excursions in that neighborhood. On the banks of the Rappahannock, about five miles below the falls, (Fredericks- burg,) Fontaine came upon a tract of three thousand acres of land, which Beverley offered him at £7 10s. per hundred acres, and Fontaine would have purchased ifc, had not Beverley some-
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INTRODUCTION. O
what singularly insisted upon making a title for nine hundred and ninety-nine years, instead of an absolute fee simple.
On the 20th of August, 1716, Alexander Spotswood, Gover- nor of Virginia, accompanied by John Fontaine, started from Williamsburg on his expedition over the Appalachian mountains, as they were then called. Having crossed the York river at the Brick House, they lodged that night at Chelsea, the seat of Austin Moore, on the Mattapony river, in the county of King William. On the following night they were hospitably enter- tained by Robert Beverley at his residence. The governor left his chaise there, and mounted his horse for the rest of the journey. Beverley accompanied Spotswood in this exploration. On the 26th of August Spotswood was joined by several gen- tlemen, two small companies of rangers, and four Meherrin In- dians. The gentlemen of the party appear to have been Spots- wood, Fontaine, Beverley, Austin Smith, Todd, Dr. Robinson, Taylor, Mason, Brooke, and Captains Clouder and Smith. The whole number of the party, including gentlemen, rangers, pion- eers, Indians and servants, was probably about fifty. They had with them a large number of riding and pack-horses, an abundant supply of provisions, and an extraordinary variety of liquors.
The camps were named respectively after the gentlemen of the expedition, and the first one being that of the 29th of August, was named in honor of our historian, Robert Bever- ley. Here " they made," as Fontaine records in his diary, " great fires* supped and drank good punch." In the preface to this edition of the work, (1722,) Beverley says in reference to this Tramontane expedition, "I was with the present Go- vernor (Spotswood) at the head spring of both those rivers, (the York and the Rappahannock,) and their fountains are in the highest range of mountains." Thus k appears that the historian was one of the celebrated knights of the golden horse- shoe.
An Abridgement of the Laws of Virginia, published at Lon- don in 1722 is ascribed to Robert Beverley. Filial indignation will naturally account for the acrimony which in his history he exhibits towards Lord Culpepper and Lord Howard of Ef- fingham, who had so persecuted his father, the clerk of the
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b INTRODUCTION.
Assembly, and against Nicholson, who was Effingham's deputy. In his second edition, when time had mitigated his animosities, Beverley omitted some of his accusations against those governors.
The first edition of Beverley's History of Virginia appeared at London in 1705. It was republished in French at Paris in 1707, and in the same year an edition was issued at Amster- dam. The second English edition was published in 1722 at London. The work is dedicated to the Right Honorable Ro- bert Harley, so celebrated both as a statesman and as the patron of letters.
In the title page appear only the initials of the author's name, thus : " R. B. Gent.," whence the blundering historian, Oldmixon, supposed his name to be "Bullock," and in some German catalogues he received the appellation of " Bird." Warden, an American writer, has repeated this last misnomer. Beverley's work is divided into four parts, styled Books, and the fourth book is again divided into two parts.
Of the history, Mr. Jefferson in his " Notes on Virginia" has remarked, that it is " as concise and unsatisfactory as Stith* is prolix and tedious." This criticism, however, is only applicable to Beverley's first book, which includes the civil history of the colony ; the other three books on " the present state of Virginia" being sufficiently full and satisfactory. Brief as is the summary of history comprised in book first, it was probably quite ample enough for the taste of the readers of Beverley's day. His style of writing is easy, unsophisticated and pleasing, his sim- plicity of remark sometimes amusing, and the whole work breathes an earnest, downright, hearty, old-fashioned Virginia spirit. His account of the internal affairs of the colony is faithful, and in the main correct, but in regard to events occurring beyond the precincts of Virginia, he is less reliable. The se- cond book treats of the boundary of Virginia, waters, earth and soil, natural products, fish, wild fowl and hunted game. Book third gives a full and minute description of the manners and customs of the Indians, illustrated by Gribelin's engravings. The contents are the persons and dress of the Indians, mar- riage and management of children, towns, buildings and fortifi- cations, cookery and food, travelling, reception and entertain- ments, language* war and peace, religion, diseases and remedies,
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INTRODUCTION. i
sports and pastimes, laws and government, money, goods and handicrafts. The fourth book relates to the government of the colony, its sub-divisions, public offices, revenues, taxes, courts, the church, the college of William and Mary, militia, servants and slaves, poor laws, free schools, tenure and conveyance of lands, naturalization and currency, the people, buildings, eatables, drinkables and fuel, climate, diseases, recreations, natural produc- tions, and the advantages of improved husbandry. The closing paragraph is as follows : " Thus they depend upon the libe- rality of Nature, without endeavoring to improve its gifts by art or industry. They sponge upon the blessings of a warm sun and. a fruitful soil, and almost grudge the pains of gathering in the bounties of the earth. I should be ashamed to publish this slothful indolence of my countrymen, but that I hope it will rouse them out of their lethargy, and excite them to make the most of all those happy advantages which Nature has given them, and if it does this, I am sure they will have the goodness to forgive me." Happily, at the pre- sent day, Virginia has been aroused from her lethargy, and with energetic efforts is developing her rich resources. It may be hoped tha£ with these material improvements a wider inte- rest in the history of the past may be diffused. Petersburg, May 30*A, 1854.
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HISTORY OF VIRGINIA.
BOOK I.
CHAPTEE I.
SHEWING WHAT HAPPENED IN THE FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE VIRGINIA; BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF CHESA- PEAKE BAY.
The learned and valiant Sir Walter Raleigh, having en- tertained some deeper and more serious considerations upon the state of the earth than most other men of his time, as may sufficiently appear by his incomparable book, the History of the World, and having laid together the many stories then in Europe concerning America, the native beauty, riches, and value of that part of the world, and the immense profits the Spaniards drew from a small settlement or two thereon made, resolved upon an adventure for farther discoveries.
According to this purpose, in the year of our Lord 1583, he got several men of great value and estate to join in an expedition of this nature, and for their encouragement obtained letters patents from Queen Elizabeth, bearing date the 25th of March, 1584, for turning their discoveries to their own advantage.
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FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 9
§2. In April following they set out two small vessels under the command of Capt. Philip Amidas and Capt. Arthur Bar- low, who after a prosperous voyage, anchored at the inlet by Roanoke, at present under the government of North Car- olina. They made good profit of the Indian truck, which they bought for things of much inferior value, and return- ed. Being overpleased with their profits, and finding all things there, entirely new and surprising, they gave a very advantageous account of matters, by representing the country so delightful and desirable, so pleasant and plentiful ; the climate and air so temperate, sweet, and wholesome ; the woods and soil so charming and fruitful ; and all other things so agreeable, that paradise itself seemed to be there in its first native lustre.
They gave particular accounts of the variety of good fruits, and some whereof they had never seen the like before ; espe- cially, that there were grapes in such abundance as was never known in the world. ' Stately tall large oaks, and; other timber,- red cedar, cypress, pines, and other ever- greens and sweet woods, for tallness and largeness, exceed- ing all they had ever heard of; wild fowl, fish, deer, and other game in such plenty and variety, that no epicure could desire more than this new world did seem naturally to afford.
And to make it yet more desiiable, they reported the native Indians (which were then the only inhabitants) so affable, kind, and good-natured ; so uncultivated in learn- ing, trades, and fashions; so innocent and ignorant of all manner of politics, tricks, and cunning; and so desirous of the company of the English, that they seemed rather to be like soft wax, ready to take an impression, than any- ways likely to oppose the settling of the English near them. They represented it as a scene laid open for the good and gracious Queen Elizabeth to propagate the gospel in and extend her dominions over ; as if purposely reserved for her majesty by a peculiar direction of providence, that had brought all former adventures in this affair to nothing; and to give a further taste of their discovery, they took with 2
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10 FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE.
them in iheir return for England, two men of the native Indians, named Wanchese and Manteo.
§ 3. Her majesty accordingly took the hint, and espoused the project as far as her present engagements in war with Spain would let her ; being so well pleased with the ac- count given, that as the greatest mark of honor she could do the discoverer, she called the country by the name of Virginia, as well for that it was first discovered in her reign, a virgin queen, as it did still seem to retain the virgin purity and plenty of the first creation, and the peo- ple their primitive innocence ; for they seemed not debauch- ed nor corrupted wkh those pomps and vanities which had depraved and enslaved the rest of mankind ; neither were their hands hardened by labor, nor their minds corrupted by the desire of hoarding up treasure. They were with- out boundaries to their land, without property in cattle, and seem to have escaped, or rather not to have been concerned in the first curse, of getting their bread by the sweat of their brows, for by their pleasure alone they supplied all their necessities,, namely , by fishing, fowling, and hunting 5 skins being their only clothing, and these, too, five-sixths of the year thrown by; living without labor, and only gathering the fruits of the earth when ripe or fit for use ; neither fearing present want, nor solicitous for the future, but daily finding sufficient afresh for their sub- sistence.
§ 4. This report was backed, nay> much advanced by the vast riches and treasure mentioned in several merchants5 letters from Mexico and Peru, to their correspondents in Spain, which letters were taken with their ships and treas- ure, by some of ours in her majesty's service, in prosecu- tion of the Spanish wars. This was encouragement enough for a new adventure, and set people's invention at work till they had satisfied themselves, and made sufficient essays for the farther discovery of the country. Pursuant where- unto, Sir Richard Green vile, the chief of Sir Walter Ra- leigh's associates, having obtained seven sail of ships, well laden with provision, arms, ammunition, and spare men to
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FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. il
make a settlement, set out in person with them early in the spring of the succeeding year to make farther discove- ries, taking back the two Indians with him, and accord- ing to his wish, in the latter end of May, arrived at the same place where the English had been the year before ; there he made a settlement, sowed beans and peas, which he saw come up and grow to admiration while he staid, which was about two months, and having made some little discoveries more in the sound to the southward,, and got some treasure in skins, furs, pearl, and other rarities in the country, for things of inconsiderable value, he returned for England, leaving one hundred and eight men upon Roan- oke island, under the -command of Mr. Ralph Lane, to keep possession.
§ 5. As soon as Sir Richard Greenvile was gone, they, according to-order and their own inclination, set themselves earnestly about discovering the country, and ranged about a little too indiscreetly up the rivers, and into the land backward from the rivers, which gave the Indians a jealousy of their meaning ; for they cut off several stragglers of them, and had laid designs to destroy the rest, but were happily prevented. This put the English upon the precaution of keeping more within bounds, and not venturing themselves too defenceless abroad, who till then had depended too much upon the na- tives simplicity and innocence.
After the Indians had done this mischief, they never ob- served any real faith towards those English ; for being na- turally suspicious and revengeful themselves, they never thought the English could forgive them ; and so by this jea- lousy, caused by the cowardice of their nature, they were continually doing mischief.
The English, notwithstanding all this, continued, their dis- coveries, but more carefully than they had done before, and kept the Indians in some awe, by threatening them with the return of their companions again with a greater supply of men and goods ; and before the cold of the winter became uneasy, they had extended their discoveries near an hundred miles along the seacoast to the northward ; but not reaching
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12 FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE.
the southern cape of Cheaspeake bay in Virginia, they had as yet found no good harbor.
§ 6. In this condition they maintained their settlement all ihe winter, and till August following; but were much dis- tressed for want of provisions, not having learned to gather food, as the Indians did, nor having conveniences like them of taking fish and fowl ; besides, being now fallen out with the Indians, they feared to expose themselves to their contempt and cruelty; because they had not received the supply they talked of, and which had been expected in the spring.
All they could do under these distresses, and the despair of the recruits promised them this year, was only to keep a good looking out to seaward, if, perchance, they might find any means of escape, or recruit. And to their great joy and satis- faction in August aforesaid, they happened to espy and make themselves be seen to Sir Francis Drake's fleet, consisting of twenty -three sail, who being sent by her majesty upon the coast of America, in search of the Spanish treasures, had orders from her majesty to take a view of this plantation, and see what assistance and encouragement it wanted : Their first petition to him was to grant them a fresh supply of men and provisions, with a small vessel, and boats to attend them ; that so if they should be put to distress for want of relief, they might embark for England. This was as rea- dily granted by Sir Francis Drake, as asked by them ; and a ship was appointed them, which ship they began imme- diately to fit up, and supply plentifully with all manner of stores for a long stay; but while they were adoing this, a great storm arose, and drove that very ship (with some others) from her anchor to sea, and so she was lost for that occasion.
Sir Francis would have given them another ship, but this accident coming on the back of so many hardships which they had undergone, daunted them, and put them upon im- agining that Providence was averse to their designs ; and now having given over for that year the expectation of their promised supply from England, they consulted together, and agreed to desire Sir Francis Drake to take them along with him, which he did.
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FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 13
Thus (heir first intention of settlement fell, after discovering many things of the natural growth of the country, useful for the life of man, and beneficial to trade, they having observed a vast variety of fish, fowl and beasts ; fruits, seeds, plants, roots,- timber-trees, sweet- woods and gums : They had like- wise attained some little knowledge in the language of the Indians, their religion, manners, and ways of correspond- ence one with another, and been made sensible of their cun- ning and treachery towards themselves.
§7. While these things were thus acting in America, the adventurers in England were providing, though too tediously, to send them recruits. And though it was late before they could dispatch them (for they met with several disappoint- ments, and had many squabbles among themselves) ; how- ever, at last they provided four good ships, with all manner of recruits suitable for the colony, and Sir Walter Raleigh designed to go in person with them.
Sir Walter got his ship ready first, and fearing the ill con- sequence of a delay, and the discouragement it might be to those that were left to make a settlement, he set sail by himself. And a fortnight after him Sir Richard Greenvile sailed with the three other ships.
Sir Walter fell in with the land at Cape Hatteras, a little to the southward of the place, where the one hundred and eight men had been settled, and after search not finding them, he returned : However Sir Richard, with his ships, found the place where he had left the men, but entirely deserted, which was at first a great disheartening to him, thinking them all destroyed, because he knew not that Sir Francis Drake had been there and taken them off; but he was a little better satisfied by Manteo's report, that they were not cut off by the Indians, though he could give no good account what was become of them. However, notwith- standing this seeming discouragement, he again left fifty men in the same island of Roanoke, built them houses ne- cessary, gave them two years provision, and returned.
§ 8. The next summer, being Anno 1587, three ships more were sent, under the command of Mr. John White,
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14 FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE.
who himself was to settle there as governor with more men, and some women, carrying also plentiful recruits of pro- visions.
In the latter end of July they arrived at Roanoke afore- said, where they again encountered the uncomfortable news of the loss of these men also ; who (as they were in- formed by Manteo) were secretly set upon by the Indians, some cut off, and the others fled, and not to be heard of, and their place of habitation now all grown up with weeds. However, they repaired the houses on Roanoke, and sat down there again.
The 13th of August they christened Manteo, and styled him Lord of Dassamonpeak, an Indian nation so called, in reward of the fidelity he had shewn to the English from the beginning, who being the first Indian that was made a Christian in that part of the world, I thought it not amiss to remember him.
On the same occasion also may be mentioned the first child there born of Christian parentage, viz: a daughter of Mr. Ananias Dare. She was born the 18th of the same August, upon Roanoke, and, after the name of the country, was christened Virginia.
This seemed to be a settlement prosperously made, being carried on with much zeal and unanimity among them- selves. The form of government consisted of a governor and twelve counselors, incorporated by the name of gover- nor and assistants, of the city of Raleigh, in Virginia.
Many nations of the Indians renewed their peace, and made firm leagues with the corporation. The chief men of the English also were so far from being disheartened at the former disappointments, that they disputed for the liberty of remaining on the spot; and by mere constraint compel- led Mr. White, their governor, to return for England to negotiate the business of their recruits and supply, as a man the most capable to manage that affair, leaving at his departure one hundred and fifteen in the corporation.
§ 9. It was above two years before Mr. White could obtain any grant of supplies, and then in the latter end of
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FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 15
the year 1589, he set out from Plymouth with three ships, and sailed round by the Western and Caribbee islands, they having hitherto not found any nearer way : for though they were skilled in navigation, and understood the use of the globes, yet did example so much prevail upon them, that they chose to sail a thousand leagues about, rather than attempt a more direct passage.
Towards the middle of August, 1590, they arrived upon the coast, at C#pe Hatteras, and went to search upon Roan- oke for the people ; but found, by letters on the trees, that they were removed to Croatan, one of the islands forming the sound, and southward of Roanoke about twenty leagues, but no sign of distress. Thither they designed to sail to them in their ships ; but a storm arising in the meanwhile, lay so hard upon them that their cables broke ; they lost three of their anchors, were forced to sea, and so returned home, without ever going near those poor peo- ple again for sixteen years following. And it is supposed that the Indians, seeing them forsaken by their country, and unfurnished of their expected supplies, cut them off, for to this day they were never more heard of.
Thus, after all this vast expense and trouble, and the hazard and loss of so many lives, Sir Walter Raleigh, the great projector and furtherer of these discoveries and settle- ments, being under trouble, all thoughts of farther prosecu- ting these designs lay dead for about twelve years follow- ing.
§ 10. And then, in the year 1602, Captain Gosnell, who had made one in the former adventures, furnished out a small bark from Dartmouth, and set sail in her himself with thirty odd men, designing a more direct course, and not to stand so far to the southward, nor pass by the Caribbee Islands, as all former adventurers had done. He attained his ends in that, but touched upon the coast of Amer- ica, much to the northward of any of the places where the former adventurers had landed, for he fell first among the islands forming the northern side of Massachusetts bay in New England ; but not finding the conveniences that
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16 FIRST ATTExMPTS TO SETTLE.
harbor affords, set sail again southward, and, as he thought, clear of land into the sea, but fell upon the Byte of Cape Cod.
Upon thi3 coast, and a little to the southward, he spent some time in trade with the Indians, and gave names to the islands of Martha's Vineyard and Elizabeth's Isle, which retain the same to this day. Upon Elizabeth's Isle he made an experiment of English grain, and found it spring up and grow to admiration as it had^done at Roan- oke. Here also his men built huts to shelter them in the night and bad weather, and made good profit by their In- dian traffic of furs, skins, &c. And as their pleasure in- vited them, would visit the main, set receivers, and save the gums and juices distilling from sweet woods, and try and examine the lesser vegetables.
After a month's stay here, they returned for England, as well pleased with the natural beauty and richness of the place they had viewed, as they were with the treasure they had gathered in it: neither had they a head, nor a finger that ached among them all the time.
§11. The noise of this short and most profitable of all the former voyages, set the Bristol merchants to work also ; who, early in the year 1603, sent two vessels in search of the same place and trade — which vessels fell luckily in with the same land* They followed the same methods Captain Gosnell had done, and having got a rich lading they returned.
§ 12. In the year 1605^ a voyage was made from Lon- don in a single ship, with which they designed to fall in with the land about the latitude 39°, but the winds put her a little farther northward, and she fell upon the eastern parts of Long Island, (as it is now called, but all went then under the name of Virginia.) Here they trafficked with the Indians, as the others had done before them ; made short trials of the soil by English grain, and found the Indians, as in all other places, veiy fair and courteous at first, till they got more knowledge of the English, and perhaps thought themselves overreached because one bought better pennyworths than another, upon which, afterwards^
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FIRST ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE. 17
they never failed to take revenge as they found their oppor- tunity or advantage. So this company also returned with the ship, having ranged forty miles up Connecticut river, and called the harbor where they rid Penticost harbor, be- cause of their arrival there on Whitsunday.
In all these latter voyages, they never so much as en- deavored to come near the place where the first settlement was attempted at Cape Hatteras ; neither had they any pity on those poor hundred and fifteen souls settled there in 1587, of whom there had never since been any account, no relief sent to them, nor so much as any enquiry made after them, whether they were dead or alive, till about three years after this, when Chesapeake bay in Vir- ginia was settled, which hitherto had never been seen by any Englishman. So strong was the desire of riches, and so eager the pursuit of a rich trade, that all concern for the lives of their fellow-christians, kindred, neighbors and countrymen, weighed nothing in the comparison, though an enquiry might have been easily made when they were so near them.
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OHAPTEE II.
CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OP THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OP CHESAPEAKE BAY, IN VIRGINIA, BY THE CORPORATION OF LONDON ADVENTURERS, AND THEIR PROCEEDINGS DURING THEIR GOVERNMENT BY A PRESIDENT AND COUNCIL ELECTIVE.
§ 13. The merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter, and Plymouth soon perceived what great gains might be made of a trade this way, if it were well managed and colonies could be rightly settled, which was sufficiently evinced by the great profits some ships had made, which had not met with ill accidents. Encouraged by this prospect, they joined together in a petition to King James the First, shewing forth that it would be too much for any single person to attempt the settling of colonies, and to carry on so considerable a trade; they therefore prayed his majesty to incorporate them, and enable them to raise a joint stock for that purpose, and to countenance their undertaking.
His majesty did accordingly grant their petition, and by letters patents, bearing date the 10th of April, 1606, did in one patent incorporate them into two distinct colonies, to make two separate companies, viz : " Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, knights ; Mr. Richard Hackluit, clerk, prebend of Westminster, and Edward Maria Wingfield, esq., adventurers of the city of London, and such others as should be joined unto them of that colony, which should be called the first colony, with liberty to begin their first plantation and seat, at any place upon the coast of Vir-
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CAPT. JOHN SMITH. 19
ginia where they should think fit and convenient, between the degrees of thirty-four and forty-one of northern latitude. And that they should extend their bounds from the said first seat of their plantation and habitation fifty English miles along the seacoast each way, and include all the lands within an hundred miles directly over against the same seacoast, and also back into the main land one hun- dred miles from the seacoast 5 and that no other should be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind or on the back of them towards the main land, without the express license of the council of that colony, thereunto in writing first had and obtained. And for the second colony, Thomas Hanham, Rawleigh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, esquires, of the town of Plymouth, and all others who should be joined to them of that colony, with liberty to begin their first plantation and seat at any place upon the coast of Virginia where they should think fit, between the degrees of thirty-eight and forty five of northern latitude^ with the like liberties and bounds as the first colony; provided they did not seat within an hundred miles of them."
§ 14. By virtue of this patent, Capt. John Smith was sent by the London company, in December, 1606, on his voyage with three small ships, and a commission was given to him, and to several other gentlemen, to establish a colo- ny, and to govern by a president, to be chosen annually, and council, who should be invested with sufficient authori- ties and powers. And now all things seemed to promise a plantation in good earnest. Providence seemed likewise very favorable to them, for though they designed only for that part of Viiginia where the hundred and fifteen were left, and where there is no security of harbor, yet, after a tedious voyage of passing the old way again, between the Caribbee islands and the main, he, with two of his vessels, luckily fell in with Virginia itself, that part of the continent now so called, anchoring in the mouth of the bay of Chesapeake ; and the first place they landed upon was the southern cape of that bay ; this they named Cape
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20 SETTLEMENT OF JAMESTOWN.
Henry, and the northern Cape Charles, in honor of the king's two eldest sons ; and the first great river they searched, whose Indian name was Powhatan, they called James river, after the king's own name.
§ 15. Before they would make any settlement here, they made a full search of James river, and then by an unani- mous consent pitched upon a peninsula about fifty miles up the river, which, besides the goodness of the soil, was esteemed as most fit, and capable to be made a place both of trade and security, two-thirds thereof being environed by the main river, which affords good anchorage all along, and the other third by a small narrow river, capable of receiving many vessels of an hundred ton, quite up as high as till it meets within thirty yards of the main river again, and where generally in spring tides it overflows into the main river, by which means the land they chose to pitch their town upon has obtained the name of an island. In this back river ships and small vessels may ride lashed to one another, and moored ashore secure from all wind and weather whatsoever.
The town, as well as the river, had the honor to be called by King James' name. The whole island thus en- closed contains about two thousand acres of high land, and several thousands of very good and firm marsh, and is an extraordinary good pasture as any in that country.
By means of the narrow passage, this place was of great security to them from the Indian enemy; and if they had then known of the biting of the worm in the salts, they would have valued this place upon that account also, as being free from that mischief.
§ 16. They were no sooner settled in all this happiness and security, but they fell into jars and dissensions among themselves, by a greedy grasping at the Indian treasure, envying and overreaching one another in that trade.
After five weeks stay before this town, the ships returned home again, leaving one hundred and eight men settled in the form of government before spoken of.
After the ships were gone, the same sort of feuds and
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SUPPOSED DISCOVERY OF GOLD. 21
disorders happened continually among them, to the unspeak- able damage of the plantation.
The Indians were the same there as in all other places, at first very fair and friendly, though afterwards they gave great proofs of their deceitfulness. However, by the help of the Indian provisions, the English chiefly subsisted till the return of the ships the next year, when two vessels were sent thither full freighted with men and provisions for supply of the plantation, one of which only arrived directly, and the other being beat off to the Caribbee islands, did not arrive till the former was sailed again for England.
§ 17. In the interval of these ships returning from Eng- land, the English had a very advantageous trade with the Indians, and might have made much greater gains of it, and managed it both to the greater satisfaction of the In- dians, and the greater ease and security of themselves, if they had been under any rule, or subject to any method in trade, and not left at liberty to outvie or outbid one another, by which they not only cut short their own profit, but created jealousies and disturbances among the Indians, by letting one have a better bargain than another ; for they being unac- customed to barter, such of them as had been hardest dealt by in their commodities, thought themselves cheated and abused ; and so conceived a grudge against the English in general, making it a national quarrel ; and this seems to be the original cause of most of their subsequent misfortunes by the Indians.
What also gave a greater interruption to this trade, was an object that drew all their eyes and thoughts aside, even fiom taking the necessary care for their preservation, and for the support of their lives, which was this : They found in a neck of land, on the back of Jamestown island, a fresh stream of water springing out of a small bank, which washed down with it a yellow sort of dust isinglass, which being cleansed by the fresh streaming of the water, lay shining in the bottom of that limpid element, and stirred up in them an unseasonable and inordinate desire after riches ; for they taking all to be gold that glittered, run into the utmost dis-
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22 EFFECT OF THE GOLD MANIA.
traction, neglecting both the necessary defence of their lives from the Indians, and the support of their bodies by securing of provisions; absolutely relying, like Midas, upon the al- mighty power of gold, thinking that where this was in plenty, nothing could be wanting; but they soon. grew sen- sible of their error, and found that if this gilded dirt had been real gold, it could have been of no advantage to them. For, by their negligence, they were reduced to an exceeding scar- city of provisions, and that little they had was lost by the burning of their town, while all hands were employed upon this imaginary golden treasure ; so that they were forced to live for some time upon the wild fruits of the earth, and upon crabs, muscles, and such like, not having a day's pro- vision before-hand ; as some of the laziest Indians, who have no pleasure in exercise, and wont be at the pains to fish and hunt : And, indeed, not so well as they neither ;.. for by this careless neglecting of their defence against the In- diana, many of them were destroyed by that cruel people, and the rest durst not venture abroad, but were forced to be content with what fell just into their mouths.
§ 18. In this condition they were, when the first ship of the two before mentioned came to their assistance, but their golden dreams overcame all difficulties ; they spoke not, nor thought of anything but gold, and that was all the lading that most of them were willing to take care for ; accordingly they put into this ship all the yellow dirt they had gathered, and what skins and furs they had trucked for, and filling her up with cedar, sent her away.
After she was gone, the other ship arrived, which they stowed likewise with this supposed gold dust, designing never to be poor again ; filling her up with cedar and clap-board.
Those two ships being thus dispatched, they made seve- ral discoveries in James river and up Chesapeake bay, by the undertaking and management of Captain John Smith ; and the year 1608 was the first year in which they gathered In- dian corn of their own planting.
While these discoveries were making by Captain Smith, matters run again into confusion in Jamestown, and several
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FIRST CHRISTIAN MARRIAGE. 23
uneasy people, taking advantage of his absence, attempted to desert the settlement, and run away with the small vessel that was left to attend upon it; for Captain Smith was the only man among them that could manage the discoveries with success, and he was the only man, too, that could keep the settlement in order. Thus the English continued to give themselves as much perplexity by their own distraction as the Indians did by their watchfulness and resentments.
§ 19. Anno 1609, John Laydon and Anna Burrows were married together, the first Christian marriage in that part of the world ; and the year following the plantation was in- creased to near five hundred men.
This year Jamestown sent out people, and made two other settlements ; one at Nansemond in James river, above thirty miles below Jamestown, and the other at Powhatan, six miles below the falls of James river, (which last was bought of Pow- hatan for a certain quantity of copper,) each settlement con- sisting of about a hundred and twenty men. Some small time after another was made at Kiquotan by the mouth of James river.
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CHAPTER III.
SHEWING WHAT HAPPENED AFTER THE ALTERATION OP THE GOVERNMENT FROM AN ELECTIVE PRESIDENT TO A COMMISSIONATED GOVERNOR/ UNTIL THE DISSOLUTION OF THE COMPANY.
§ 20. In the meanwhile the treasurer, council and com- pany of Virginia adventurers in London, not finding that return and profit from the adventurers they expected, and rightly judging that this disappointment, as well as the idle quarrels in the colony, proceeded from a mismanage of go- vernment, petitioned his majesty, and got a new patent with leave to appoint a governor.
Upon this new grant they sent out nine ships, and plentiful supplies of men and provisions, and made three joint com- missioners or governors in equal power, viz : Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Captain Newport. They agreed to go all together in one ship.
This ship, on board of which the three governors had em- barked, being separated from the rest, was put to great dis- tress in a severe storm ; and after three days and nights con- stant bailing and pumping, was at last cast ashore at Bermu- das, and there staved, but by good providence the company was preserved.
Notwithstanding this shipwreck, and extremity they were put to, yet could not this common misfortune make them agree. The best of it was, they found plenty of provi- sions in that island, and no Indians to annoy them. But still they quarrelled amongst themselves, and none more than the two Knights 5 who made their parties, built each of them a cedar vessel, one called the Patience, the other the Deliverance, and used what they gathered of
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RETURN OP CAPT. SMITH. 25
the furniture of the old ship for rigging ; and fish-oil, and hog's-grease, mixed with lime and ashes, instead of pitch and tar : for they found great plenty of Spanish hogs in this island, which are supposed to have swam ashore from some wrecks, and there afterwards increased.
§. 21. While these things were acting in Bermuda, Capt. Smith being very much burnt by the accidental fi- ring of some gun-powder, as he was upon a discovery in his boat, was forced for his cure sake, and the benefit of a surgeon, to take his passage for England, in a ship that was then upon the point of sailing.
Several of the nine ships that came out with the three governors arrived , with many of the passengers ; some of which; in their humors, would not submit to the govern ment there, pretending the new commission destroyed the old one ; that governors were appointed instead of a presi- dent, and that they themselves were to be of the council, and so would assume an independent power, inspiring the people with disobedience ; by which means they became frequently exposed in great parties to the cruelly of the In- dians ; all sorts of discipline wTas laid aside, and their ne- cessary defence neglected ; so that the Indians taking ad- vantage of those divisions, formed a stratagem to destroy them root and branch ; and, indeed, they did cut many of them off, by massacreing whole companies at a time ; so that all the out-settlements were deserted, and the people that were not destroyed, took refuge in Jamestown, except the small settlement at Kiquotan, where they had built themselves a little fort, and called it Algernoon fort. And yet, for all this, they continued their disorders, wasting their old provi- sions, and neglecting to gather others ; so that they who re- mained alive, were all near famished, having brought them- selves to that pass, that they durst not stir from their own doors to gather the fruits of the earth, or the crabs and mus- cles from the water-side : much less to hunt or catch wild beasts, fish or fowl, which were found in great abundance there. They continued in these scanty circumstances, till they were at last reduced to such extremity, as to eat the 4
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26 SUFFERING OF COLONISTS.
very hides of their horses, and the bodies of the Indians they had killed ; and sometimes also upon a pinch they would not disdain to dig them up again , to make a homely meal, after they had been buried.
Thus, a few months indiscreet management brought such an infamy upon the country, that to this day it cannot be wiped away. And the sicknesses occasioned by this bad diet, or rather want of diet, are unjustly remembered to the disadvantage of the country, as a fault in the climate ; which was only the foolishness and indiscretion of those who assumed the power of governing. I call it assumed, because the new commission mentioned, by which they pretended to be of the council, was not in all this time arrived, but remained in Bermuda with the new govern- ors.
Here, I cannot but admire the care, labor, courage and understanding, that Capt. John Smith showed in the time of his administiation ; who not only founded, but also preserved all these ' settlements in good order, while he was amongst them ; and, without him, they had cer- tainly all been destroyed, either by famine, or the enemy long before ; though the country naturally afforded sub- sistence enough, even without any other labor than that of gathering and preserving its spontaneous provisions.
For the first three years that Capt. Smith was with them, they never had in that whole time, above six months English provisions. But as soon as he had left them to themselves, all went to ruin ; for the Indians had no longer any fear for themselves, or friendship for the English* And six months after this gentleman's departure, the 500 men that he had left were reduced to threescore ; and they, too, must of necessity, have starved, if their relief had been delayed a week longer at sea.
§. 22. In the mean time, the three governors put to sea from Burmuda, in their two small vessels, with their company* to the number of one hundred and fifty, and in fourteen days, viz. : the 25th of May, 1610, they ar- rived both together in Virginia, and went with their ves-
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ARRIVAL OP RELIEF.
27
sels up to Jamestown, where they found the small re- mainder of the five hundred men, in that melancholy way I just now hinted.
§. 23. Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Cap- tain Newport, the governors, were very compassionate of their condition, and called a council, wherein they inform- ed them, that they had but sixteen days provision aboard ; and therefore desired to know their opinion, whether they would venture to sea under such a scarcity ; or, if they resolved to continue in the settlement, and take their for- tunes, they would stay likewise, and share the provisions among them ; but desired that their determination might be speedy. They soon came to the conclusion of return- ing for England ; but because their provisions were short, they resolved to go by the banks of Newfoundland, in hopes of meeting with some of the fishermen, (this being now the season,) and dividing themselves among their ships, for the greater certainty of provision, and for their better accommodation.
According to this resolution, they all went aboard, and fell down to Hog Island, the 9th of June, at night, and the next morning to Mulberry Island Point, which is eighteen miles below Jamestown, and thirty above the mouth of the river ; and there they spied a long boat, which the Lord Delawarr (who was just arrived with three ships,) had sent before him up the river sounding the chan- nel. His lordship was made sole governor, and was accom- panied by several gentlemen of condition. He caused all the men to return again to Jamestown ; re-settled them with satisfaction, and staid with them till March follow- ing ; and then being very sick, he returned for England, leaving about two hundred in the colony.
§. 24. On the 10th of May, 1611, Sir Thomas Dale being then made governor, arrived with three ships, which brought supplies of men, cattle and hogs. He found them growing again into the like disorders as before, taking no care to plant corn, and wholly relying upon their store, which then had but three months provision in it. He therefore set
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28 POCAHONTAS TAKEN PRISONER.
them to work about corn, and though it was the middle of May before they began to prepare the ground, yet they had an indifferent good crop.
§.25. In August, the same year, Sir Thomas Gates ar- rived at Jamestown with six ships more, and with a plenti- ful supply of hogs, cattle, fowls, &c, with a good quan- tity of ammunition, and all other things necessary for a new colony, and besides this, a reinforcement of three hundred and fifty chosen men. In the beginning of September he settled a new town at Arrabattuck, about fifty miles above Jamestown, paling in the neck above two miles from the point, from one reach of the river -to the other. Here he built forts and sentry-boxes, and in honor of Henry Prince of Wales, called it Henrico. And also run a pali- sado on the other side of the river, at Coxendale, to se- cure their hogs.
§.26. Anno 1612, twTo ships more arrived with supplies; anc}, Capt. Argall, who commanded one of them, being sent in her to Patowmeck to buy corn, he there met with Pocahontas, the excellent daughter of Powhatan ; and hav- ing prevailed with her to come aboard to a treat, he de- tained her prisoner, and carried her to Jamestown, design- ing to make peace with her father by her release ; but on the contrary, that prince resented the affront very high- ly ; and although he loved his daughter with all imagi- nable tenderness, yet he would not be brought to terms by that unhandsome treachery ; till about two years after a marriage being proposed between Mr. John Rolfe, an English gentleman, and this lady ; which Powhatan taking to be a sincere token of friendship, he vouchsafed to con- sent to it, and to conclude a peace, though he would not come to the wedding.
§. 27. Pocahontas being thus married in the year 1613, a firm peace was concluded with her father. Both the English and Indians thought themselves entirely secure and quiet. This brought in the Chickahominy Indians also, though not out of any kindness or respect to the English, but out of fear of being, by their assistance, brought un-
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POCAHONTAS IN ENGLAND. 29
der Powhatan's absolute subjection, who used now and then to threaten and tyrannize over them.
§. 28. Sir Thomas Dale returning for England, Anno 1616; took with him Mr. Rolfe and his wife Pocahontas, who, upon the marriage, was christened, and called Re- becca. He left Capt. George Yardly deputy -governor dur- ing his absence, the country being then entirely at peace ; and arrived at Plymouth the 12th of June.
Capt. John Smith was at that time in England, and hearing of the arrival of Pocahontas at Portsmouth, used all the means he could to express his gratitude to her, as having formerly preserved his life by the hazard of her own ; for, w7hen by the command of her father, Capt. Smith's head was upon the block to have his brains knocked out, she saved his head by laying hers close upon it. He was at that time suddenly to embark for New England, and fearing he should sail before she got to London, he made an humble petition to the Queen in her behalf, which I here choose to give you in his own woids, because it will save me the story at large.
§. 29. Capt. Smith's petition to her Majesty, in behalf of Pocahontas, daughter to the Indian Emperor, Powhatan.
To the most high and virtuous princess, Queen Anne, of Great Britain :
Most admired madam —
The love I bear my God, my king, and country, hath so often emboldened me in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honestly doth constrain me to presume thus far beyond myself, to present your majesty this short discourse. If ingratitude be a deadly poison to all honest virtues, I must be guilty of that crime, if I should omit any means to be thankful. So it was,
That about ten years ago, being in Virginia, and taken
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30 PETITION OP CAPT. SMITH.
prisoner by the power of Powhatan, their chief king, I received from this great savage exceeding great courtesy, especially from his son, Nantaquaus ; the manliest, comeli- est, boldest spirit I ever saw in a savage ; and his sister Pocahontas, the king's most dear and well-beloved daugh- ter, being but a child of twelve or thirteen years of age, whose compassionate pitiful heart of my desperate estate gave me much cause to respect her. I being the first Christian this proud king and his grim attendants ever saw, and thus enthralled in their barbarous power ; I can- not say I felt the least occasion of want, that was in the power of those my mortal foes to prevent, notwithstanding all their threats. After some six weeks fatting amongst those savage courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she haz- arded the beating out of her own brains to save mine, and not only that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to Jamestown, where I found about eight and thirty miserable, poor and sick creatures, to keep pos- session for all those large territories of Virginia. Such was the weakness of this poor commonwealth, as had not the savages fed us, we directly had starved.
And this relief, most gracious queen, was commonly brought us by this lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these passages, when unconstant fortune turned our peace to war, this tender virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us; and by her our jars have been oft appeased, and our wants still supplied. Were it the policy of her fa- ther thus to employ her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinary affection to our nation, I know not : but of this I am sure, when her father, with the utmost of his policy and power, sought to surprise me, having but eighteen with me, the dark night could not affright her from coming through the irksome woods, and, with watered eyes, give me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his fury , which had he known, he had surely slain her.
Jamestown, with her wild train, she as freely frequented as her father's habitation ; and during the time of two or
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PETITION OF CAPT. SMITH. 31
three years, she, next under God, was still the instrument (o preserve this colony from death, famine, and utter confu- sion, which if, in those times, had once been dissolved, Virginia might have lain, as it was at our first arrival, till this day. Since then, this business having been turned and varied by many accidents from what I left it, it is most certain, after a long and troublesome war, since my departure, betwixt her father and our colony, all which time she was not heard of, about two years after she herself was taken prisoner, being so detained near two years longer, the colony by that means was relieved, peace concluded, and at last, rejecting her barbarous condition, she was mai- rjed to an English gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England. The first Christian ever of that na- tion 5 the first Virginian ever spake English, or had a child in marriage by an Englishman — a matter surely, if my meaning be truly considered and well understood, wor- thy a prince's information.
Thus, most gracious lady, I have related to your ma- jesty, what at your best leisure, our approved histories will recount to you at large, as done in the time of your majesty's life ; and however this might be presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart.
As yet, I never begged anything of the State ; and it is my want of ability, and her exceeding desert; your birth, means, and authority ; her birth, virtue, want and simplicity, dotli make me thus bold, humbly to beseech your majesty to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so unworthy to be the reporter as myself ; her husband's estate not being able to make her fit to attend your majesty.
The most and least I can do, is to tell you this, and the rather because of her being of so great a spirit, how- ever her stature. If she should not befwell received, see- ing this kingdom may rightly have a kingdom by her means ; her present love to us and Christianity, might turn to such scorn and fury, as to divert all this good to the
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32 MEETING OF SMITH AND POCAHONTAS.
worst of evil. Where finding that so great a queen should do her more honor than she can imagine, for having been kind to her subjects and servants, 'twould so ravish her with content, as to endear her dearest blood, to effect that your majesty and all the king's honest subjects most ear- nestly desire. And so I humbly kiss your gracious hands, &c.
(Signed)
JOHN SMITH. Dated June, 1616.
§. 30. This account was presented to her majesty, and graciously received. But before Capt. Smith sailed ftfr New England, the Indian princess arrived at London, and her husband took lodgings for her at Branford, to be a little out of the smoke of the city, wrhither Capt. Smith, with some of his friends, went to see her and congratu- late her arrival, letting her know the address he had made to the queen in her favor.
Till this lady arrived in England, she had all along been informed that Captain Smith was dead, because he had jDeen diverted from that colony by making settlements in the second plantation, now called New England ; for which reason, when she saw him, she seemed to think her- self much affronted, for that they had dared to impose so gross an untruth upon her, and at first sight of him turn- ed away. It cost him a great deal of intreaty, and some hours attendance, before she would do him the honor to speak to him; but at last she was reconciled, and talked freely to him. She put him in mind of her former kind- nesses, and then upbraided him for his forgetfulness of her, showing by her reproaches, that even a state of nature teaches to abhor ingratitude.
She had in her retinue a Werowance, or great man of her own nation, whose name was Uttamaccomack. This man had orders from Powhatan, to count the people in England, and give him an account of their number. Now
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DEATH OF POCAHONTAS. 33
the Indians having no letters among them, he at his going ashore, provided a stick, in which he was to make a notch for every man he saw ; but this accomptant soon grew wea- ry of that tedious exercise, and threw his stick away : and at his return, being asked by his king, How many peo- ple there were? He desired him to count the stars in the sky, the leaves upon the trees, and the sand on the sea- shore, for so many people (he said) were in England.
§. 31. Pocahontas had many honors done her by the queen upon account of Captain Smith's story ; and being introduced by the Lady Delawarr, she was frequently admit- ted to wait on her majesty, and was publicly treated as a prince's daughter ; she was carried to many plays, balls, and other public entertainments, and very respectfully re- ceived by all the ladies about the court. Upon all which occasions, she behaved herself with so much decency, and showed so much grandeur in her deportment, that she made good the brightest part of the character Capt. Smith had given of her. In the meanwhile, she gained the good opinion of everybody so much, that the poor gentle- man, her husband, had like to have been called to an account, for presuming to marry a princess royal without the king's consent ; because it had been suggested" that he had taken advantage of her, being a prisoner, and forced her to marry him. But upon a more perfect re- presentation of the matter, his majesty was pleased at last to declare himself satisfied. But had the^'r true condition here been known, that pother had been saved.
Everybody paid this young lady all imaginable respect ; and it is supposed, she would have sufficiently acknow- ledged those favors, had she lived to return to her own country, by bringing the Indians to have a kinder dispo- sition towards the English. But upon her return she was unfortunately taken ill at Gravesend, and died in a few days after, giving great testimony all. the time she lay sick, of her being a very good Christian. She left issue one son, named Thomas Rolfe, whose posterity is at this 5
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34 DEATH OP POWHATAN.
day in good repute in Virginia, and now hold lands by descent from her.
§. 32. Captain Yardly made but a very ill governor, he let the buildings and forts go to ruin ; not regarding the security of the people against the Indians, neglecting the corn, and applying all hands to plant tobacco, which pro- mised the most immediate gain. In this condition they were when Capt. Samuel Argali was sent thither gover- nor, Anno 1617, who found the number of people re- duced to little more than four hundred, of which not above half were fit for labor. In the meanwhile the In- dians mixing among them, got experience daily in fire arms, and some of them were instructed therein by the English themselves, and employed to hunt and kill wild fowl for them. So great was their security upon this marriage ; but governor Argali not liking those methods, regulated them on his arrival, and Capt. Yardly returned to England.
§.33. Governor Argali made the colony flourish and in- crease wonderfully, and kept them in great plenty and quiet. The next year, viz. : Anno 1618, the Lord Dela- warr was sent over again with two hundred men more for the settlement, with other necessaries suitable : but sailing by the Western Islands, they met with contrary winds, and great sickness; so that about thirty of them died, among which the Lord Delawarr was one. By which means the government there still continued in the hands of Capt. Argali.
§. 34. Powhatan died in April the same year, leaving his second brother Itopatin in possession of his empire, a prince far short of the parts of Oppechancanough, who by some was said to be his elder brother, and then king of Chickahomony ; but he having debauched them from the allegiance of Powhatan, was disinherited by him. This Oppechancanough was a cunning and a brave prince, and soon grasped all the empire to himself. But at first they jointly renewed the peace with the English, upon the accession of Itopatin to the crown.
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GOV. augall's exploits. 35
§. 35. Governor Argall flourishing thus under the bles- sings of peace and plenty, and having no occasion of fear or disturbance from the Indians, sought new occasions of encouraging the plantation. To that end, he intended a coasting voyage to the northward, to view the places where the English ships had so often laded ; and if he missed them, to reach the fisheries on the banks of New- foundland, and so settle a trade and correspondence either with the one or the other* In accomplishing whereof, as he touched at Cape Cod, he was informed by the Indians, that some white people like him were come to inhabit to the northward of them, upon the coast of their neighbor- ing nations* Capt. Argall not having heard of any Eng- lish plantation that way, was jealous that it might be (as it proved,) the people of some other nation* And being very zealous for the honor and benefit of England, he re- solved to make search according to the information he had received, and see who they were% Accordingly he found the settlement, and a ship riding before it. This belonged to some Frenchmen, who had fortified themselves upon a small mount on the north of New England.
§. 36. His unexpected arrival so confounded the French, that they could make no preparation for resistance on board their ship ; which Captain Argall drew- so close to, that with his small arms he beat all the men from the deck, so that they could not use their guns, their ship having only a single deck. Among others, there were two Jesuits on board, one of which being more bold than wise, with all that disadvantage, endeavored to fire one of their cannon, and was shot dead for his pains.
Captain Argall having taken the ship, landed and went before the fort, summoning it ' to surrender. The gar- rison asked time to advise $ but that being denied them, they stole privately away, and fled into the woods. Upon this, Captajn Argall entered the fort, and lodged there that night 5 and the next day the French came to him, and sur- rendered themselves. It seems the king of France had
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36 GOV. akgall's exploits.
granted them a patent for this settlement, but they gave it up to Captain Argali to be cancelled. He used them very well, and suffered such as had a mind to return to France, to seek their passage among the ships of the fish- ery ; but obliged them to desert this settlement. And those that were willing to go to Virginia, he took with him.
§.37. These people were under the conduct of two Je- suits, who upon taking a pique against their governor in Acadia, named Biencourt, had lately separated from a French settlement at Port Royal, lying in the bay, upon the south-west part of Acadia.
§. 38. As Governor Argali was about to return to Virgi- nia, father Biard, the surviving Jesuit (out of malice to Biencourt,) told him of this French settlement at Port Royal, and offered to pilot him to it; which Governor Ar- gali readily accepted of. With the same ease, he took that settlement also ; * where the French had sowed and reaped, built barns, mills, and other conveniences, which Captain Argali did no damage to ; but unsettled them, and obliged them to make a desertion from thence. He gave these the same leave he had done the others, to dispose of themselves ; some whereof returned to France, and others went to settle up the river of Canada. After this Gover- nor Aigall returned satisfied with the provision and plunder he had got in those two settlements.
§. 39.1 The report of these exploits soon reached England; and whether they were approved or no, being acted with- out particular direction, I have not learned ; but certain it is, that in April following there arrived a small vessel, which did not stay for anything, but took on board Go- vernor Argali, and returned for England. _j He left Capt. Nathaniel Powel deputy ; and soon after Capt. Yardly be- ing knighted, was sent governor thither again.
§.40. Very great supplies of cattle and other provisions were sent there that year, and likewise 1000 or^ 1200 men. They resettled all their old plantations that had been de- serted, made additions to the number of the council, and
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FIRST GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 6i
called an assembly of Burgesses from all parts of the country, which were to be elected by the people in their several plantations.
These burgesses met the governor and council at James- town in May, 1620, and sat in consultation in the same house with them, as the method of the Scots Parliament is, debating matters for the improvement and good govern- ment of the country.
This was the first general assembly that was ever held there. I heartily wish though they did not unite their houses again, they would, however, unite their endeavors and affections for the good of the country.
§.41. In August following, a Dutch man-of-war landed twenty negroes for sale ; which were the first of that kind that were carried into the country.
§. 42. This year they bounded the corporations, (as they called them :) But there does not remain among the re- cords any one grant of these corporations. There is en- tered a testimony of Governor Argall, concerning the bounds of the corporation of James City, declaring* his knowledge thereof; and this is one of the new transcribed books of record. But there is not to be found one word of the charter or patent itself of this corporation.
Then also, they apportioned and laid our lands in se- veral allotments, viz. : to the company in several places, to the governor, to a college, to glebes, and to several particular persons ; many new settlements were made in James and York rivers. The people knew their own property, and having the encouragement of working for their own advantage, many became very industrious, and began to vie one with another, in planting, building, and other improvements. Two gentlemen went over as depu- ties to the company, for the management of their lands, and those of the college. All thoughts of danger from the Indians were laid aside. Several great gifts were made to the church and college, and for the bringing up young Indians at school. Forms were made, and rules appoint-
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38 SALT — IRON ORE — TOBACCO.
ed for granting patents for land, upon the condition of importing goods and persons to supply and increase the colony. And all there then began think themselves the happiest people in the world.
§. 43. Thus Virginia continued to flourish and increase, great supplies continually arriving, and new settlements being made all over the country. A salt work was set up at Cape Charles, on the Eastern Shore ; and an iron work at Falling Creek, in James river, where they made proof of good iron ore, and brought the whole work so near a perfection, that they writ word to the company in London, that they did not doubt but to finish the work, and have plentiful provision of iron for them by the next Easter. At that time the fame of the plenty and riches, in which the English lived there, was very great. And Sir George Yardly now had all the appearance of making amends for the errors of his former government. Never- theless he let them run into the same sleepiness and se- curity as before, neglecting all thoughts of a necessary defence, which laid the foundatian of the following ca- lamities.
§. 44. But the time of his government being near ex- pired, Sir Francis Wyat, then a young man, had a com- mission to succeed him. The people began to grow nu- merous, thirteen hundred settling there that year ; which was the occasion of making so much tobacco, as to over- stock the market. Wherefore his majesty, out of pity to the country, sent his commands, that they should not suf- fer their planters to make above one hundred pounds of tobacco per man ; for the market was so low, that he could not afford to give them above three shillings the pound for it. He advised them rather to turn their spare time towards providing corn and stock, and towards the making of potash, or other manufactures.
It was October, 1621, that Sir Francis Wyat arrived governor-) and in November, Captain Newport arrived with fifty men, imported at his own charge, besides passengers ; and made a plantation on Newport's News, naming it
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FIRST COUNTY COURTS. 39
after himself. The governor made a review of all the settlements, and suffered new ones to be made, even as far as Potomac river. This ought to be observed of the Eastern Shore Indians, that they never gave the English any trouble, but courted and befriended them from first to last. Perhaps the English, by the time they came to settle those parts, had considered how to rectify their form- er mismanagement, and learned better methods of regula- ting their trade with the Indians, and of treating them more kindly than at first.
§. 45. Anno 162!2, inferior courts were first appointed by the general assembly, under the name of county courts, for trial of minute causes ; the governor and council still remaining judges of the supreme court of the colony. In the meantime, by the great increase of people, and the long quiet they had enjoyed among the Indians, since the marriage of • Pocahontas, and the accession of Oppechan- canough to the imperial crown, all men were lulled into a fatal security, and became everywhere familiar with the Indians, eating, drinking, and sleeping amongst them ; by which means they became perfectly acquainted with all our English strength, and the use of our arms — knowing at all times, when and where to find our people ; wheth- er at home, or in the woods ; in bodies, or disperst j in condition of defence, or indefensible. This exposing of their weakness gave them occasion to think more contempti- bly of them, than otherwise, perhaps, they would have done ; for which reason they became more peevish, and more hardy to attempt anything against them.
§. 46. Thus upon the loss of one of their leading men, (a war captain, as they call him,) who was likewise sup- posed to be justly killed, Oppechancanough took affront, and in revenge laid the plot of a general massacre of the English, to be executed on the 22d of March, 1622, a little before noon, at a time when our men were all at work abroad in their plantations, disperst and unarmed This hellish contrivance was to take effect upon all the
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40 MASSACRE OP THE COLONISTS.
several settlements at one and the same instant, except on the Eastern Shore, whither this plot did not reach. The Indians had been made so familiar with the English, as to borrow their boats and canoes to cross the river in, when they went to consult with their neighboring Indians upon this execrable conspiracy. And to color their design the better, they brought presents of deer, turkies, fish and fruits to the English the evening before. The very morning of the massacre, they came freely and unarmed among them, eating with them, and behaving themselves with the same freedom and friendship as formerly, till the very minute they were to put their plot in execution. Then they fell to work all at once everywhere, knocking the English un- awares on the head, some with their hatchets, which they call tomahawks, others with the hoes and axes of the English themselves, shooting at those who escaped the reach of their hands ; sparing neither age nor sex, but destroy- ing man, woman, and child, according to their cruel way of leaving none behind to bear resentment. But whatev- er was not done by surprise that day, was left undone, and many that made early resistance escaped.
By the account taken of the Christians murdered that morning, they were found to be three hundred and forty- seven, most of them falling by their own instruments, and working tools.
§.47. The massacre had been much more general, had not this plot been providentially discovered to the English some hours before the execution. It happened thus :
Two Indians that used to be employed by the English to hunt for them, happened to lie together, the night before the massacre, in an Englishmen's house, where one of them was employed. The Indian that was the guest fell to persuading the other to rise and kill his master, telling him, that he would do the same by his own the next day. Whereupon he discovered the whole plot that was design- ed to be executed on the morrow. But the other, instead of entering into the plot, and murdering his master, got
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CAUSE OF THE MASSACRE.
41
up (under pretence of going to execute his comrade's ad- vice,) went into his master's chamber, and revealed to him the whole story that he had been told. The master here- upon arose, secured his own house, and before day got to Jamestown, which, together with such plantations as could receive notice time enough, were saved by this means ; the rest, as they happened to be watchful in their de- fence, also escaped; but such as were surprised, were mas- sacred.* Captain Croshaw in his vessel at Potomac, had notice also given him by a young Indian, by which means he came off untouched.
§.48. The occasion upon which Oppechancanough took affront was this. The war captain mentioned, before to have been killed, was called Nemattanow. He was an active Indian, a great warrior, and in much esteem among them ; so much, that they believed him to be invulnerable, and immortal, because he had been in very many conflicts, and escaped untouched from them all. He was also a very cunning fellow, and took great pride in preserving and increasing this their superstition concerning him, af- fecting everything that was odd and prodigious, to work upon their admiration. For which purpose he would often dress himself up with feathers after a fantastic man- ner, and by much use of that ornament, obtained among the English the nickname of Jack of the feather.
This Nemattanow coming to a private settlement of one Morgan, who had several toys which he had a mind to, persuaded him to go to Pamunky to dispose of them. He gave him hopes what mighty bargains he might meet with there, and kindly offered him his assistance. At last Mor- gan yielded to his persuasion ; but was no more heard of; and it is believed, that Nemattanow killed him by the way, and took away his treasure. For within a few days this Nemattanow returned to the same house with Mor- gan's cap upon his head ; where he found two sturdy boys, who asked for their master. He very frankly told them he was dead. But they, knowing the cap again, sus-
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42 DEATH OP NEMATTANOW.
pected the villain had killed their master, and would have had him before a justice of peace, but he refused to go, and very insolently abused them. Whereupon they shot him down, and as they were carrying him to the governor, he died.
As he was dying, he earnestly pressed the boys to pro- mise him two things. First, that they would not tell how he was killed ; and, secondly, that they would bury him among the English. So great was the pride of this vain heathen, that he had no other thoughts at his death, but the ambition of being esteemed aftei he was dead, as he had endeavored to make them believe of him while he was alive, viz., that he was invulnerable and immortal, though his increasing faintness convinced himself of the falsity of both. He imagined* that being buried among the English perhaps might conceal his death from his own nation, who might think him translated to some happier country. Thus he pleased himself to the last gasp with the boys' promises to carry on the delusion. This was reckoned all the pro- vocation given to that haughty and revengeful man Oppe- chancanough, to act this bloody tragedy, and to take inde- fatigable pains to engage in so horrid villainy all the kings and nations bordering^ upon the English settlements, on the western shore of Chesapeake.
§ 49. This gave the English a fair pretence of endeavor- ing the total extirpation of the Indians, but more especially of Oppechancanough and his nation. Accordingly, they set themselves about it, making use of the Roman maxim, (faith is not to be kept with heretics) to obtain their ends. For, after some months fruitless pursuit of them, who could too dexterously hide themselves in the wToods, the English pretended articles of peace, giving them all manner of fair words and promises of oblivion. They designed thereby (as their own letters now on record, and their own actions thereupon prove) to draw the Indians back, and entice them to plant their corn on their habitations nearest adjoin- ing to the English, and then to cut it up, when the summer
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MASSACRE OF THE INDIANS. 43
should be too far spent to leave them hopes of another crop that year, by which means they proposed to bring them to want necessaries and starve. And the English did so far accomplish their ends, as to bring the Indians to plant their corn at their usual habitations, whereby they gained an op- portunity of repaying them some part of the debt in their own coin, for they fell suddenly upon them, cut to pieces such of them as could not make their escape, and after- wards totally destroyed their corn.
§50. Another effect of the massacre of the English, was the reducing all their settlements again to six or seven in number, for their better defence. Besides, it was such a dis- heartening to some good projects, then just advancing, that to this day they have never been put in execution, namely, the glasshouses in Jamestown, and the iron work at Palling Creek, which has been already mentioned. The massacre fell so hard upon this last place, that no soul was saved but a boy and a girl, who with great difficulty hid themselves.
The superintendent of this iron work had also discovered a vein of lead ore, which he kept private, and made use of it to furnish all the neighbors with bullets and shot. But he be'ng cut off with the rest, and the secret not having been communicated, this lead mine could never after be found, till Colonel Byrd, some few years ago, prevailed with an Indian, under pretence of hunting, to give him a sign by dropping his tomahawk at the place, (he not daring publicly to discover it, for fear of being murdered.) The sign was accordingly given, and the company at that time found several pieces of good lead ore upon the surface of the ground, and marked the trees thereabouts. Notwith- standing which, I know not by what witchcraft it happens, but no mortal to this day could ever find that place again, though it be upon part of the Colonel's own possessions. And so it rests, till time and thicker settlements discover it.
§51. Thus, the company of adventurers having, by those frequent acts of mismanagement, met with vast losses and misfortunes, many grew sick of it and parted with their
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44 MALADMINISTRATION OF THE COMPANY.
shares, and others came into their places, and promoted the sending in fresh recruits of men and goods. But the chief design of all parties concerned, was to fetch away the trea- sure from thence, aiming more at sudden gain, than to form any regular colony, or establish a settlement in such a man- ner as to make it a lasting happiness to the country.
Several gentlemen went over upon their particular stocks, separate from that of the company, with their own servants and goods, each designing to obtain land from the goverri- ment, as Captain Newport had done, or at least to obtain patents, according to the regulations for granting lands to adventurers. Others sought their grants of the company in London, and obtained authorities and jurisdictions, as well as land, distinct from the authority of the government, which was the foundation of great disorder, and the occa- sion of their following misfortunes. Among others, one Captain Martin, having made very considerable preparations towards a settlement, obtained a suitable grant of* land, and was made of the council there. But he, grasping still at more, hankered after dominion, as well as possession, and caused so many differences, that at last he put all things into distraction, insomuch that the Indians, still seeking re- venge, took advantage of these dissensions, and fell foul again on the English, gratifying their vengeance with new bloodshed.
§52. The fatal consequences of the company's malad- ministration cried so loud, that king Charles the first, com- ing to the crown of England, had a tender concern for the poor people that had been betrayed thither and lost. Upon which consideration he dissolved the company in the year 1626, reducing the country and government into his own immediate direction, 'appointing the governor and council himself, and ordering all patents and processes to issue in his own name, reserving to himself a quit-rent of two shil- lings for every hundred acres of land, and so pro rata.
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CHAPTEE IV.
CONTAINING THE HISTORY OF THE GOVERNMENT FROM THE DISSOLUTION OF THE COMPANY TO THE YEAR SEVENTEEN HUNDRED AND SEVEN.
§ 53. The country being thus taken into the king's hands, his majesty was pleased to establish the constitution to be by a governor, council and assembly, and to confirm the former methods and jurisdictions of the several courts, as they had been appointed in the year 1620, and placed the last resort in the assembly. He likewise confirmed the rules and orders made by the first assembly for apportioning the land, and granting patents to particular adventurers.
§ 54. This was a constitution according to their hearts desire, and things seemed now to go on in a happy course for encouragement of the colony. People flocked over thither apace ; every one took up land by patent to his liking ; and, not minding anything but to be masters of great tracts of land, they planted themselves separately on their several plantations. Nor did they fear the Indians, but kept them at a greater distance than formerly. And they for their part, seeing the English so sensibly increase in number, were glad to keep their distance and be peaceable.
This liberty of taking up land, and the ambition each man had of being lord of a vast, though unimproved terri- tory, together with the advantage of the many rivers, which afford a commodious road for shipping at every man's door, has made the country fall into such an unhappy ; settlement and course of trade, that to this day they have not any one place of cohabitation among them, that may reasonably bear the name of a town.
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46 THE MARYLAND GRANT.
§55. The constitution being thus firmly established, and continuing its course regularly for some time, people began to lay aside all fears of any future misfortunes. Several gentlemen of condition went over with their whole families — some for bettering their estates — others for religion, and other reasons best known to themselves. Among those, the noble Ceecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a Roman Catholic, thought, for the more quiet exercise of his religion, to retire, with his family, into that new world. For this pur- pose he went to Virginia, to try how he liked the place. But the people there looked upon him with an evil eye on account of his religion, for which alone he sought this re- treat, and by their ill treatment discouraged him from set- tling in that country.
§ 56. Upon that provocation, his lordship resolved upon a farther adventure. And finding land enough up the bay of Chesapeake, which was likewise blessed with many brave rivers, and as yet altogether uninhabited by the English, he began to think of making a new plantation of his own. And for his more certain direction in obtaining* a grant of it, he undertook a journey northwaid, to discover the land up the bay, and observe what might most conveniently square with his intent.
His lordship finding all things in this discovery according to his wish, returned to England. And because the Virginia settlements at that time reached no farther than the south side of Potomac river, his lordship got a grant of the propriety of Maryland, bounding it to the south by Poto- mac river, on the western shore ; and by an east line from Point Lookout, on the eastern shore ; but died himself be- fore he could embark for the promised land.
Maryland had the honor to receive its name from queen Mary, royal consort to king Charles the first.
§57. The old Lord Baltimore being thus taken off, and leaving his designs unfinished, his son and heir, in the year 1633, obtained a confirmation of the patent to himself, and went over in person to plant his new colony.
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SIR JOHN HARVEY, GOVERNOR.
47
By this unhappy accidentia country which nature had so well contrived for one, became two separate governments. This produced a most unhappy inconvenience to both ; for, these two being the only countries under the dominion of England that plant tobacco in any quantity, the ill conse- quences to both is, that when one colony goes about to prohibit the trash, or mend the staple of that commodity, to help the market, then the other, to take advantage of that market, pours into England all they can make, both good and bad, without distinction. This is very injurious to the other colony, which had voluntarily suffered so great a diminution in the quantity, to mend the quality ; and this is notoriously manifested from that incomparable Virginia law, appointing sworn agents to examine their tobacco.
§ 58. Neither was this all the mischief that happened to Virginia upon this grant ; for the example of it had dread- ful consequences, and was in the end one of the occasions of another massacre by the Indians. For this precedent of my Lord Baltimore's grant, which entrenched upon the charters and bounds of Virginia, was hint enough for other courtiers, (who never intended a settlement as my lord did) to find out something of the same kind to make money of. This was the occasion of several very large defalcations from Virginia within a few years afterwards, which was forwarded and assisted by the contrivance of the Governor, Sir John Harvey, insomuch that not only the land itself, quit- rents and all, but the authorities and jurisdictions that belonged to that colony were given away — nay, sometimes in those grants he included the very settlements that had been before made.
§59. As this gentleman was irregular in this, so he was very unjust and arbitrary in his other methods of govern- ment. He exacted with rigor the fines and penalties, which the unwary assemblies of those times had given chiefly to himself, and was so haughty and furious to the council, and the best gentlemen of the country, that his tyranny grew at last insupportable ; so that in the year 1639, the
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48 SIR WILLIAM BERKELEY APPOINTED GOVERNOR.
council sent him a prisoner to London, and with him two of their number, to maintain the articles against him. This news being brought to king Charles the first, his majesty was very much displeased ; and, without hearing anything, caused him to return governor again. But by the next shipping he was graciously pleased to change him, and so made amends for this man's maladministration, by sending the good and just Sir William Berkeley to succeed him.
§ 60. While these things were transacting, there was so general a dissatisfaction, occasioned by the oppressions of Sir John Harvey, and the difficulties in getting him out, that the whole colony was in confusion. The subtle Indians, who took all advantages, resented the incroachments upon them by his grants. They saw the English uneasy and dis- united among themselves, and by the direction of Qppechan- canough, their king, laid the ground work of another mas- sacre, wherein, by surprise, they cut off near five hundred Christians more. But this execution did not take so general effect as formerly, because the Indians were not so fre- quently suffered to come among the inner habitations of the English ; and, therefore, the massacre fell severest on the south side of James river, and on the heads of the other rivers, but chiefly of York river, where this Oppechanca- nough kept the seat of his government.
§ 61. Oppechancanough was a man of large stature, noble presence, and extraordinary parts. Though he had no advantage of literature, (that being nowhere to be found among the American Indians) yet he was perfectly skilled in the art of governing his rude countrymen. He caused all the Indians far and near to dread his name, and had them all entirely in subjection.
This king in Smith's history ^s called brother to Powha- tan, but by the Indians he was not so esteemed. For they say he was a prince of a foreign nation, and came to them a great way from the south west. And by their accounts, we suppose him to have come from the Spanish Indians, somewhere near Mexico, or the mines of Saint Barbe y but,
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CAPTURE OF OPPECITANCANOUGH. 49
be that matter how it will, from that time till his captivity, there never was the least truce between them and the English.
§ 62. Sir William Berkeley, upon his arrival, showed such an opposition to the unjust grants made by Sir John Harvey, that very few of them took effect ; and such as did, were subjected to the settled conditions of the other parts of the government, and made liable to the payment of the full quit-rents. He encouraged the country in several essays of potash, soap, salt, flax, hemp, silk and cotton. But the Indian war, ensuing upon this last massacre, was a great obstruction to these good designs, by requiring all the spare men to be employed in defence of the country.
§ 63. Oppechancanough, by his great age, and the fatigues of war, (in which Sir William Berkeley followed him close) was now grown so decrepid, that he was not able to walk alone, but was carried about by his men wherever he had a mind to move. His flesh was all macerated, his sinews slackened, and his eyelids became so heavy, that he could not see, but as they were lifted up by his servants. In this low condition he was, when Sir William Berkeley, hearing that he was at some distance from his usual habi- tation, resolved at all adventures to seize his person, which he happily effected. For with a party of horse he made a speedy march, surprised him in his quarters, and brought him prisoner to Jamestown, where, by the governor's com- mand, he was treated with all the respect and tenderness imaginable. Sir William had a mind to send him to Eng- land, hoping to get reputation by presenting his majesty with a royal captive, who at his pleasure, could call into the field ten times more Indians, than Sir William Berkeley had English in his whole government. Besides, he thought this ancient prince would be an instance of the healthiness and long life of the natives of that country. However, he could not preserve his life above a fortnight. For one of the soldiers, resenting the calamities the colony had suf-
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50 NEW PEACE WITH THE INDIANS.
fered by this prince's means, basely shot him through the back, after he was made prisoner ; of which wound he died.
He continued brave to the last moment of his life, and showed not the least dejection at his captivity. He heard one day a great noise of the treading of people about him ; upon which he caused his eyelids to be lifted up, and find- ing that a crowd of people were let in to see him, he called in high indignation for the governor, who being come, Oppe- chancanough scornfully told him, that had it been his for- tune to take Sir William Berkeley prisoner, he should not meanly have exposed him as a show to the people.
§ 64. After this, Sir William Berkeley made a new peace with the Indians., which continued for a long time unviola- ted, insomuch that all the thoughts of future injury from them were laid aside. But he himself did not long enjoy the benefit of this profound peace ; for the unhappy troubles of king Charles the first increasing in England, proved a great disturbance to him and to all the people. They, to prevent the infection from reaching that country, made severe laws against the Puritans, though there were as yet none among them. But all correspondence with England was interrupted, supplies lessened, and trade obstructed. In a word, all people were impatient to know what would be the event of so 'much confusion.
§65. At last the king was traitorously beheaded in Eng- land, and Oliver installed Protector. However his author- ity was not acknowledged in Virginia for several years after, till they were forced to it by the last necessity. For in the year 1651, by Cromwell's command, Captain Dennis, with a squadron of men of war, arrived there from the Carribbee islands, where they had been subduing Bardoes. The country at first held out vigorously against him, and Sir William Berkeley, by the assistance of such Dutch vessels as were then there, made a brave resistance. But at last Dennis contrived a stratagem, which betrayed the country. He had got a considerable parcel of goods aboard, which
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SUBJECTION OP THE COLONY TO CROMWELL. 51
belonged to two of the Council, and found a method of in- forming them of it. By this means they were reduced to the dilemma, ei,ther of submitting or losing their goods. This occasioned factions among them ; so that at last, after the surrender of all the other English plantations, Sir Wm. was forced to submit to the usurper on the terms of a gen- eral pardon. However, it ought (o be remembered, to his praise, and to the immortal honor of that colony, that it was the last of all the king's dominions that submitted to the usurpation ; and afterwards the first that cast it off, and he never took any post or office under the usurper.
§66. Oliver had no sooner subdued the plantations, but he began to contrive how to keep them under, that so they might never be able for the time to come to give him farther trouble. To this end, he thought it necessary to break off their correspondence with all other nations, thereby to prevent their being furnished with arms, ammunition, and other warlike provisions. According to this design, he con- trived a severe act of' Parliament, whereby he prohibited the plantations from receiving or exporting any European com- modities, but what should be carried to them by English- men, and in English built ships. They were absolutely forbid corresponding with any nation or colony not subject to the crown of England. Neither was any alien suffered to manage a trade or factory in any of them. In all which things the plantations had been till then indulged, for their encouragement.
§ 67. Notwithstanding this act of navigation, the Protector never thought the plantations enough secured, but frequently changed their governors, to prevent their intriguing with the people. So that, during the time of the usurpation, they had no less than three governors there, namely, Diggs, Ben- net and Mathews.
§ 68. The strange arbitrary curbs he put upon the plan- tations, exceedingly afflicted the people. He had the inhu- manity to forbid them all manner of trade and correspon- dence with other nations, at a time when England itself
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52 SIR WILLIAM BERKELEY CHOSEN GOVERNOR AGAIN.
was in distraction ; and could neither take off their com- modities, nor supply them sufficiently with its own. Neither had they ever been used to supply them with half the commodities they expended, or to take off above half the tobacco they made. Such violent proceedings made the peo- ple desperate, and inspired them with a desire to use the last remedy, to relieve themselves from this lawless usurpa- tion. In a short time afterwards a fair opportunity happened ; for Governor Mathews died, and no person was substituted to succeed him in the government. Whereupon the people applied themselves to Sir William Berkeley, (who had con- tinued all this time upon his own plantation in a private capacity,) and unanimously chose him their governor again.
§69. Sir William Berkeley had all along retained an un- shaken loyalty for the royal family, and therefore generously told the people, that he could not approve of the Protector's rule, and was resolved never to serve anybody but the law- ful heir to the crown ; and that if he accepted the govern- ment, it should be upon their solemn promise, after his example, to venture their lives and fortunes for the king, who was then in France.
This was no great obstacle to them, and therefore with an unanimous voice they told him that they were ready to hazard all for the king. Now this was actually before the king's return for England, and proceeded from a brave prin- ciple of loyalty, for which they had no example. Sir William Berkeley embraced their choice, and forthwith proclaimed Charles the second king of England, Scotland, France, Ireland and Virginia, and caused all process to be issued in his name. Thus his majesty was actually king in Vir- ginia, before he was so in England. But it pleased God to restore him soon after to the throne of his ancestors ; and so that country escaped being chastised for throwing off the usurpation.
§70. Upon the king's restoration, he sent Sir William Berkeley a new commission, with leave to return to Eng- land, and power to appoint a deputy in his absence. For
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Berkeley's visit to the king. 53
his majesty in his exile had received intelligence of this gentleman's loyalty, and during that time had renewed his commission.
§71. Upon this, Sir William Berkeley appointed Colonel Francis Morrison Deputy Governor, and went for England to wait on his majesty, by whom he was kindly received. At his return he carried his majesty's pressing instructions for, encouraging the people in husbandry and manufactures, but more especially to promote silk and vineyards. There is a tradition, that the king, in compliment to that colony, wore at his coronation a robe made of the silk that was sent from thence. But this was all the reward the country had for their loyalty ; for the parliament was pleased to renew the act contrived by the usurper for discouraging the plantations, with severer restraints and prohibitions by bonds, securities, &c.
§72. During the time of Sir William Berkeley's absence, Colonel Morrison had, according to his directions, revised the laws, and compiled them into one body, ready to be confirmed by the assembly at his return. By these laws, the church of England was confirmed the established religion, the charge of the government sustained, trade and manu- factures were encouraged, a town projected, and all the Indian affairs settled.
§73. The parishes were likewise regulated, competent allowances were made to the ministers, to the value of about fourscore pounds a year, besides glebes and perqui- sites, and the method of their preferment was settled. Con- venient churches and glebes were provided, and all necessary parish officers instituted. Some steps were made also towards a free school and college, and the poor were effectually provided for.
§74. For support of the government, the duty of two shillings per hogshead on all tobaccos, and that of one shilling per ton port duty on shipping, were made per- petual ) and the collectors were obliged to account for the same to the general assembly,
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54 PROSPERITY OF THE COLONY.
§ 75. For encouragement of manufactures, prizes were ap- pointed for the makers of the best pieces of linen cloth, and a reward of fifty pounds of tobacco was given for each pound of silk. All persons were enjoined to plant mul- berry trees, for the food of the silk worm, according to the number of acres of land they held. Tan houses were set up in each county, at the county charge ; and public en- couragement was given to a salt work on the eastern shore. A reward was appointed in proportion to the tonnage of all sea vessels built there, and an exemption allowed from all fees and duties payable by such shipping.
§76. The king had commanded, that all ships trading to Virginia should go to Jamestown, and there enter before they broke bulk. But the assembly, from the impractica- bleness of that command, excused all, except the James river ships, from that order, and left the others in the rivers they were bound to, to ride dispersed, as the commanders pleased ; by whose example the James river ships were no sooner entered with the officer at Jamestown, but they also dispersed themselves to unload, and trade all over the river. By this means the design of towns was totally balked, and this oider proved only an ease to the officer of James river., and a means of creating a good place to him.
§77. Peace and commerce with the Indians was settled by law, and their boundaries prescribed. Several other acts were made suiting the necessity of the government : so that nothing then seemed to remain, but the improvement of the country, and encouragement of those manufactures the king had been pleased to recommend, together with such others as should be found beneficial.
§ 78. Sir William Berkeley at his return gave sanction to this body of laws, and being then again in full possession of his government, and at perfect peace with the Indians, set all hands industriously to work in making country im- provements. He passed a new act for encouragement of Jamestown, whereby several houses were built therein, at the charge of several counties. However, the main ingre-
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PERSECUTION OF THE SECTARIES. 55
client for the advancement of towns was still wanting, namely, the confinement of all shipping and trade to them only, by defect of which all the other expedients availed nothing, for most of the buildings were soon converted into houses of entertainment.
§ 79. Anno 1663, divers sectaries in religion beginning to spread themselves there, great restraints were laid upon them, under severe penalties, to prevent their increase.
This made many of them fly to other colonies, and pre- vented abundance of others from going over to seat them- selves among them. And as the former ill treatment of my Lord Baltimore kept many people away, and drove others to Maryland, so the present severities towards the noncon- formists kept off many more, who went to the neighbor- ing colonies.
§ 80. The . rigorous circumscription of their trade, the persecutions of the sectaries, and the little demand of tobacco, had like to have had very fatal consequences. For, the poor people becoming thereby very uneasy, their niurmurings were watched and fed* by several mutinous and rebellious Oliverian soldiers that were sent thither as servants. These, depending upon the discontented people of all sorts, formed a villainous plot to destroy their masters, and afterwards to set up for themselves.
This plot was brought so near to perfection, that it was the very night before the designed execution ere it was discovered ; and then it came out by the relenting of one of their accomplices, whose name was Birkenhead. This man was servant to Mr. Smith of Purton, in Gloucester county, near which place, viz. at Poplar Spring, the mis- creants were to meet the night following, and put in exe- cution their horrid conspiracy.
§ 81. Upon this discovery by Birkenhead, notice was im- mediately sent to the governor at Green Spring. And the method he took to prevent it was by private orders, that some of the militia should meet before the time at the place where the conspirators were to rendezvous, and seize them
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56 NEW ACT OF PARLIAMENT.
as they came singly up to it. Which orders being happily executed, their devilish plot was defeated. However, there were but a few taken ; because several of them making their escape, turned back such of their fellows as they met on the road, and prevented most of them from coming up, or from being discovered.
Four of these rogues were hanged. But Birkenhead was gratified with his freedom, and a reward of two hundred pounds sterling.
§ 82. For the discovery and happy disappointment of this plot, an anniversary thanksgiving was appointed on the 13th of September, the day it was to have been put in execution. And it is great pity some other days are not commemorated as well as that.
§83. The news of this plot being transmitted to king Charles the second, his majesty sent his royal commands to build a fort at Jamestown, for security of the governor, and to be a curb upon all such traitorous attempts for the future. But the country, thinking the danger over, only raised a battery of some small pieces of carlnon.
§84. Another misfortune happened to the plantations this year* which was a new act of parliament in England, laying a severer restraint upon their supplies than formerly* By this act they could have no foreign goods, which were not first landed in England, and carried directly from thence to the plantations, the former restraint of importing them only by Englishmen, in English built shipping* not being thought sufficient.
This was a misfortune that cut with a double edge ; for, first, it reduced their staple tobacco to a very low price ; and, secondly, it raised the value of European goods to what the merchants pleased to put upon them.
§85. For this their assembly could think of no remedy, but to be even with the merchants, and make their tobacco scarce by prohibiting the planting of it for one year ; and during that idle year to invite the people to enter upon manufacturing flax arid hemp. But Maryland not concur-
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EFFECTS OF THE NEW ACT OF PARLIAMENT. 0(
ring in this project, they were obliged in their own defence to repeal the act of assembly again, and return to their old drudgery of planting tobacco without profiting by it.
§86. The country thus missed of their remedy in the stint of tobacco, which on the contrary multiplied exceed- ingly by the- great increase of servants. This, together with the above mentioned curbs on trade, exasperated the people, because now they found themselves under a necessity of exchanging their commodities with the merchants of England at their own terms. The assembly therefore again attempted the stint of tobacco, and passed another act against planting it for one year. And Carolina and Maryland both agreed to it. But some accident hindering the agent of Carolina from giving notice thereof to Maryland by the day appointed, the governor of that province proclaimed the act void, al- though every body there knew that Carolina had fully agreed to all things required of them. But he took advantage of this nice punctilio, because of the loss such a diminution would have been to his annual income, and so all people relapsed again into the disease of planting tobacco.
Virginia was more nettled at this ill usage ftom Maryland, than at her former absolute denial ; but were forced to take all patiently, and by fair means get relief, if they could. They therefore appointed agents to reassume the treaty, and submitted so low as to send them to Saint Mary's, then the residence of the governor of Maryland, and the place where the assemblies met. Yet all this condescension could not hold them to their bargain. The governor said he had observed his part of the agreement, and would not call an assembly any more upon that subject.
§ 87. In this manner two whole years were spent, and nothing could be accomplished for their relief. In the mean while England was studious to prevent their receiving sup- plies from any other country. To do that more effectually, it was thought expedient to confine the trade of that colony to one place. But that not being found practicable, because of the many great rivers that divide their habitations, and 8
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58 PLAGUE AND FIRE IN LONDON, 1665-6.
the extraordinary conveniences of each, his majesty sent directions to build forts in the several rivers, and enjoined all the ships to ride under those forts ; and farther ordered, that those places only should be the ports of trade.
§ 88. This instruction was punctually observed for a year, and preparations were made for ports, by casting up breast- works in such places as the assembly appointed, and the shipping did for that time ride at those places. But the great fire and plague happening in London immediately upon it, made their supplies that year very uncertain, and the terror the people were in, lest the plague should be brought over with the ships from London, prevented them from residing at those ports, for fear of being all swept away at once. And so every body was left at liberty again.
^ 89. Still no favor could be obtained for the tobacco trade, and the English merchants afforded but a bare sup- port of clothing for their crops. The assembly were full enough of resentment, but overlooked their right way of re- dress. All they could do was to cause looms and work- houses to be set up in the several counties, at the county charge. They renewed the rewards of silk, and put great penalties upon every neglect of making flax and hemp. About this time they sustained some damage by the Dutch war ; for which reason they ordered the forts to be rebuilt of brick. But having yet no true notion of the advantage of towns, they did not oblige the ships to ride under them. Which thing alone, well executed, would have answered all their desires.
§ 90. Sir William Berkeley, who was always contriving and industrious for the good of the country, was not contented to set a useful example at home, by the essays he made of potash,, flax, hemp, silk, &c, but was also resolved to make new discoveries abroad amongst the Indians.
For this end he employed a small company of about fourteen English, and as many Indians, under the com- mand of Captain Henry Batt, to go upon such an adventure. They set out together from Appomattox, and in seven days'
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UAPTAIN BATT'S EXPEDITION. 59
march reached the foot of the mountains. The mountains they first arrived at, were not extraordinary high or steep ; but, after they had passed the first ridge, they encountered others that seemed to reach the clouds, and were so perpen- dicular and full of precipices, that sometimes in a whole day's march, they could not travel three miles in a direct line. In other places they found large level plains and fine savannas, three or four miles wide, in which were an infinite quantity of turkies, deer, elks and buffaloes, so gen- tle and undisturbed that they had no fear at the appearance of the men, but would suffer them to come almost within reach of their hands. There they also found grapes so pro- digiously large, that they seemed more like bullace than grapes. When they traversed these mountains, they came to a fine level country again, and discovered a rivulet that descended backwards. Down that stream they travelled sev- eral days) till they came to old fields and cabins, where the Indians had lately been, but were supposed to have fled at the approach of Batt and his company. However, the cap- tain followed the old rule of leaving some toys in their cabins for them to find at their return, by which they might know they were friends. Near to these cabins were great marshes, where the Indians which Captain Batt had with him made a halt, and would positively proceed no farther. They said, that not far off from that place lived a nation of Indians, that made salt, and sold it to their neighbors. That this was a great and powerful people, which never suffered any strangers to return that had once discovered their towns. Captain Batt used all the arguments he could to get them forward, but in vain. And so, to please those tim- orous Indians, the hopes of this discovery were frustrated, and the detachment was forced to return. In this journey it is supposed that Batt never crossed the great ridge of mountains, but kept up tinder it to the southward. For of late years the Indian traders have discovered b on this side the mountains, about five hundred miles to the southward, a river they call Oukfuskie* full of broad sunken grounds
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60 bacon's rebellion, 1676.
and marshes, but falling into the bay or great gulf between cape Florida and the mouth of the Mississippi, which I suppose to be the river where Batt saw the Indian cabins and marshes, but is gone to from Virginia without ever pierc- ing the high mountains, and only encountering the point of an elbow, which they make a little to the southward of Virginia.
§91. Upon Captain Batt's report to Sir William Berke- ley, he resolved to make a journey himself, that so theie might be no hinderance for want of sufficient authority, as had been in the aforesaid expedition. To this end he con- certed matters for it, and had pitched upon his deputy gov- ernor. The assembly also made an act to encourage it. But all these preparations came to nothing, by the - confusion which happened there soon after by Bacon's rebellion. And since that, there has never been any such discovery attempted from Virginia, when Governor Spotswood found a passage over the great ridge of mountains, and went over them himself.
§92. The occasion of this rebellion is not, easy to be discovered : but 'tis certain there were many things that concurred towards it. For it cannot be imagined, that upon the instigation of two or three traders only, who aimed at a monopoly of the Indian trade, as some pretend to say, the whole country would have fallen into so much distrac- tion ; in which people did not only hazard their necks by rebellion, but endeavored to ruin a governor, whom they all entirely loved, and had unanimously chosen ; a gentle- man who had devoted his whole life and estate to the ser- vice of the country, and against whom in thirty-five years experience there had never been one single complaint. Neither can it be supposed, that upon so slight grounds, they would make choice of a leader they hardly knew, to oppose a gentleman that had been so long and so deserv- edly the darling of the people. So that in all probability there was something else in the wind, without which the body of the country had never been engaged in that insur- rection,
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61
Pour things may be reckoned to have been the main in- gredients towards this intestine commotion, viz., First, The extreme low price of tobacco, and the ill usage of the plan- ters in the exchange of goods for it, which the country, with all their earnest endeavors, could not remedy. Se- condly, The splitting the colony into proprieties, contrary to the original charters ; and the extravagant taxes they were forced to undergo, to relieve themselves from those grants. Thirdly, The heavy restraints and burdens laid upon their trade by act of Parliament in England. Fourth- ly, The disturbance given by the Indians. Of all which in their order.
§93. First, Of the low price of tobacco, and the disap- pointment of all sort of remedy, I have spoken sufficiently before. Secondly, Of splitting the country into proprieties.
King Charles the Second, to gratify some nobles about him, made two great grants out of that country. These grants were not of the uncultivated wood land only, but also of plantations, which for many years had been seated and improved, under the encouragement of several charters granted by his royal ancestors to that colony. Those grants were distinguished by the names of the Northern and South- ern grants of Virginia, and the same men were concerned in both. They were kept dormant some years after they were made, and in the year 1674 begun to be put in exe- cution. As soon as ever the country came to know this, they remonstrated against them ; and the assembly drew up an humble address to his majesty, complaining of the said grants, as derogatory to the previous charters and privi- leges granted to that colony, by his majesty and his royal progenitors. They sent to England Mr. Secretary Ludwell and Colonel Park, as their agents to address the king, to vacate those grants. And the better to defray that charge, they laid a tax of fifty pounds of tobacco per poll, for two years together, over and above all other taxes, which was an excessive burden. They likewise laid amercements of seventy, fifty, or thirty pounds of tobacco, as the cause was
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62
CAUSE OF BACONS REBELLION.
on every law case tried throughout the country. Besides ail this, they applied the balance, remaining due upon account of the two shilling per hogshead, and fort duties, to this use. Which taxes and amercements fell heaviest on the poor people, the effect of whose labor would not clothe their wives and children. This made them desperately un- easy, especially when, after a whole year's patience under all these pressures, they had no encouragement from their agents in England, to hope for remedy ; nor any certainty when they should be eased of those heavy impositions.
§94. Thirdly, Upon the back of all these misfortunes came out the act of 25 Car. II. for better securing the plantation trade. By this act several duties were laid on the trade from one plantation to another. This was a new hardship, and the rather, because the revenue arising by this act was not applied to the use of the plantations wherein it was raised : but given clear away ; nay, in that country it seemed to be of no other use, but to burden the trade, or create a good income to the officers ; for the col- lector had half, the comptroller a quarter, and the remain- ing quarter was subdivided into salaries, till it was lost.
By the same act also very great duties were laid on the fisheries of the plantations, if manufactured by the English inhabitants there ; while the people of England were abso- lutely free from all customs. Nay, though the oil, blubber and whale bone, which were made by the inhabitants of the plantations, were carried to England by Englishmen, and in English built ships, yet it was held to a considera- ble duty, more than the inhabitants of England paid.
§95. These were the afflictions that country labored un- der when the fourth accident happened, viz., the distur- bance offered by the Indians to the frontiers.
This was occasioned, first, by the Indians on the head of the bay. Secondly, by the Indians on their own frontiers.
First. The Indians at the head of the bay drove a con- stant trade with the Dutch in Monadas, now called New York ; and to carry on this, they used to come every year
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CAUSE OF BACONS REBELLION.
63
by the frontiers of Virginia, to hunt and purchase skins and furs of the Indians to the southward. This trade was car- ried on peaceably while the Dutch held Monadas ; and the Indians used to call on the English in Virginia on their re- turn, to whom they would sell part of their furs, and with the rest go on to Monadas. But after the English came to possess that place, and understood the advantages the Vir- ginians made by the tiade of their Indians, they inspired them with such a hatred to the inhabitants of Virginia that, instead of coming peaceably to trade with them, as they had done for several years before, they afterwards never came, but only to commit robberies and murders upon the people.
Secondly. The Indians upon their own frontiers were likewise inspired with ill thoughts of them. For their In- dian merchants had lost a considerable branch of their trade they knewT not how ,• and apprehended the consequences of Sir William Berkeley's intended discoveries, (espoused by the assembly,) might take away the remaining part of their profit. This made them very troublesome to the neighbor Indians ; who on their part, observing an unusual uneasiness in the English, and being terrified by their rough usage, immediately suspected some wicked design against their lives, and so fled to their remoter habitations. This confirmed the English in the belief, that they had been the murderers, till at last they provoked them to be so in earnest.
§ 96. This addition of mischief to minds already full of discontent, made people ready to vent all their resentment against the poor Indians. There was nothing to be got by tobacco ; neither could they turn any other manufacture to advantage ; so that most of the poorer sort were willing to quit their unprofitable employments, and go volunteers against the Indians.
At first they flocked together tumultuously, running in troops from one plantation to another without a head, till at last the seditious humor of Colonel Nath. Bacon led him to be of the party. This gentleman had been brought up
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64 BACON TAKES COMMAND.
at one of the Inns of court in England, and had a mode- rate fortune. He was young, bold, active, of an., inviting aspect, and powerful elocution. In a word, he was every way qualified to head a giddy and unthinking multitude Before he had been three years in the country, he was, for his extraordinary qualifications, made one of the council, and in great honor and esteem among the people. For this reason he no sooner gave countenance to this riotous mob, but they all presently fixed their eyes upon him for their general, and accordingly made their addresses to him. As soon as he found this, he harangued them pub- licly. He aggravated the Indian mischiefs, complaining that they were occasioned for want of a due regulation of their trade. He recounted particularly the other grie- vances and pressures they lay under, and pretended that he accepted of their command with no other intention but to do them and the country .service, in which he was willing to encounter the greatest difficulties and dangers. He farther assured them he would never lay down his arms till he had revenged their sufferings upon the In- dians, and redressed all their other grievances.
§97. By these insinuations he wrought his men into so perfect an unanimity, that they were one and all at his de- votion. He took care to exasperate them to the utmost, by representing all their misfortunes. After he had begun to muster them, he dispatched a messenger to the governor, by whom he aggravated the mischiefs done by the Indians, and desired a commission of general to go out against them. This gentleman was in so great esteem at that time with the council, thgt the governor did not think fit to give him a flat refusal ; but sent him word he would con- sult the council, and return him a farther answer.
§ 98. In the mean time Bacon was expeditious in his preparations, and having all things in readiness, began his march, depending on the authority the people had given him. He would not lose so much time as to stay for his commission ; but dispatched several messengers to the go-
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BACON IS SUSPENDED FROM THE COUNCIL. 65
vernor to hasten it. On the other hand, the governor, instead of a commission, sent positive orders to him to dis- perse his men and come down in person to him, upon pain of being declared a rebel.
§ 99. This unexpected order was a great surprise to Bacon, and not a little trouble to his men. However, he was resolved to prosecute his first intentions, depending upon his strength and interest with the people. Nevertheless, he intended to wait upon the governor, but not altogether de- fenceless. Pursuant to this resolution, he took about forty of his men down with him in a sloop to Jamestown, where the governor was with his council.
§100. Matters did not succeed there to Mr. Bacon's sat- isfaction, wherefore he expressed himself a little too freely. For which, being suspended from the council, he went away again in a huff with his sloop and followers. The governor filled a long boat with men, and pursued the sloop so close, that Colonel Bacon moved into his boat to make more haste. But the governor had sent up by land to the ships at Sandy Point, where he was stopped and sent down again. Upon his return he was kindly received by the governor, who, knowing he had gone a, step beyond his instructions in having suspended him, was glad to admit him again of the council ; after which he hoped all things might be pacified.
§101. Notwithstanding this, Colonel Bacon still insisted upon a commission to be general of the volunteers, and to go out against the Indians ; from which the governor en- deavored to dissuade him, but to no purpose, because he had some secret project in view. He had the luck to be countenanced in his importunities, by the news of fresh murder and robberies committed by the Indians. However, not being able to accomplish his ends by fair means, he stole privately out of town ; and having put himself at the head of six hundred volunteers, marched directly to James- town, where the assembly was then sitting. He presented himself before the assembly, and drew up his men in battalia
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66 BACON OBTAINS A COMMISSION.
before the house wherein they sat. He urged to them his preparations ; and alledged that if the commission Bad not been delayed so long, the war against the Indians might have been finished.
§102. The governor resented this insolent usage worst of all, and now obstinately refused to grant him anything, offering his naked breast againt the presented arms of his followers. But the assembly, fearing the fatal consequences of provoking a discontented multitude ready armed, who had the governor, council and assembly entirely in their power, addressed the governor to grant Bacon his request. They prepared themselves the commission, constituting him general of the forces of Virginia, and brought it to the governor to be signed.
With much reluctancy the governor signed it, and thereby put the power of war and peace into Bacon's hands. Upon this he marched away immediately, having gained his end, which was in effect a power to secure a monopoly of the Indian trade to himself and his friends.
§103. As soon as General Bacon had marched to such a convenient distance from Jamestown that the assembly thought they* might deliberate with safety, the governor, by their advice, issued a proclamation of rebellion against him, commanding,, his followers to surrender him, and forth- with disperse themselves, giving orders at the same time for raising the militia of the country against him.
§104. The people being much exasperated, and Gen- eral Bacon by his address and eloquence having gained an absolute dominion over their hearts, they unanimously resolved that not a hair of his head should be touched, much less that they should surrender him as a rebel. There- fore they kept to their arms, and instead of proceeding against the Indians they marched back to Jamestown, di- recting their fury against such of their friends and country- men as should dare to oppose them.
§105. The governor seeing this, fled over the bay to Accomac, whither he hoped the infection of Bacon's con-
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DECLARATION OF BACON'S CONVENTION. 67
spiracy had not reached. But there, instead of that peo- ple's receiving him with open arms, in remembrance of the former services he had done them, they began to make terms with him for redress of their grievances, and for the ease and liberty of trade against the acts of parliament. Thus Sir William, who had been almost; the idol of the people, was, by reason of their calamity and jealousy, aban- doned by all, except some few, who went over to him from the western shore in sloops and boats, among which one Major Robert Beverley was the most active and successful commander ; so that it was sometime before he could make head against Bacon, but left him to range through the country at discretion.
§106. General Bacon at first held a convention, of such of the chief gentlemen of the country as would come to him, especially of those about Middle Plantation, who were near at hand. At this convention they made a declaration to justify his unlawful proceedings, and obliged people to take an oath of obedience to him as their general. Then, by their advice, on pretence of the governor's abdication, he called an assembly, by writs signed by himself and four others of the council.
The oath was word for word as follows :
•" Whereas the country hath raised an army against our common enemy the Indians, and the same under the com- mand of General Bacon, being upon the point to march forth against the said common enemy, hath been diverted and necessitated to move to the suppressing of forces, by evil disposed persons raised against the said General Bacon, purposely to foment and stir up civil wrar among us, to the ruin of this his majesty's country. And whereas it is notoriously manifest, that Sir William Berkeley, knight, governor of the country, assisted, counselled and abetted by those evil disposed persons aforesaid, hath not only commanded, fomented and stirred up the people to the said civil war, but failing therein, hath withdrawn himself, to the great , astonishment of the people, and the
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68 DECLARATION CONTINUED.
unsettlement of the country. And whereas the said army, raised by the country for the causes aforesaid, remain full of dissatisfaction in the middle of the country, expecting attempts from the said governor and the evil counselors aforesaid. And since no proper means have been found out for the settlement of the distractions, and preventing the horrid outrages and murders daily committed in many places of the country by the barbarous enemy, it hath been thought fit by the said general, to call unto him all such sober and discreet gentlemen as the present circumstances of the country will admit, to the Middle Plantation, to consult and advise of re-establishing the peace of the country. So we, the said gentlemen, being this third of August, 1676, accordingly met, do advise, resolve, declare and conclude, and for ourselves do swear in manner follow- ing :
1st. That we will at all times join with the said general Bacon and his army, against the common enemy in all points whatsoever.
2nd. That whereas certain persons have lately contrived and designed the raising forces against the said general, and the army under his command, thereby to beget a civil war, we will endeavor the discovery and apprehending of all and every o£ those evil disposed persons, and them secure, until farther order from the general.
3rd. And whereas it is credibly reported, that the gov- ernor hath informed the king's majesty that, the said general, and the people of the country in arms under his command, their aiders and abettors, are rebellious, and removed from their allegiance ; and that upon such like information, he, the said governor, hath advised and petitioned the king to send forces to reduce them, we do farther declare and be- lieve in our consciences, that it consists with the welfare of this country, and with our allegiance to his most sacred majesty, that we, the inhabitants of Virginia, to the utmost of our power, do oppose and suppress all forces whatsoever of that nature, until such time as the king be fully informed
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DEATH OP GENERAL BACON- 69
of the state of the case, by such person or persons as shall be sent from the said Nathaniel Bacon, in the behalf of the people, and the determination thereof be remitted hither. And we do swear, that we will him, the said general, and the army under his command, aid and assist accordingly.
§108. By this time the governor had got together a small party to side with him. These he furnished with sloops, arms and ammunition, under command of Major Robert Beverley, in order to cross the bay and oppose the malcontents. By this means there happened some skir- mishes, in which several were killed, and others taken prisoners. Thus they were going on by a civil war to des- troy one another, and lay waste their infant country, when it pleased God, after some months' confusion, to put an epd to their misfortunes, as well as to Bacon's designs, by his natural death. He died at Dr. Green's in Gloucester county. But where he was buried was never yet discovered, though afterward there was great inquiry made, with design to expose his bones to public infamy.
§109. In the meanwhile those disorders occasioned a general neglect of husbandry, and a great destruction of the stocks of cattle, so that people had a dreadful prospect of want and famine. But the malcontents being thus disuni- ted by the loss of their general, in whom they all confided, they began to squabble among themselves, and every man's business was, how to make the best terms he could for himself.
Lieutenant General Ingram, (whose true name was John- son) and Major General Walklate, surrendered, on condition of pardon for themselves and their followers, though they were both forced to submit to an incapacity of bearing office in that country for the future.
Peace being thus restored, Sir William Berkeley returned to his former seat of government, and every man to his several habitation.
§110. While this intestine war was fomenting there, the agents of the country in. England could not succeed in their
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70 JAMESTOWN BURNT.
remonstrance against the propriety grants, though they were told that those grants should be revoked. But the news of their civil war reaching England about the same time, the king would then proceed no farther in that matter. So the agents thought it their best way to compound with the pro- prietors. Accordingly they agreed with them for four hun- dred pounds a man, which was paid. And so all the clamor against those grants ended ; neither was any more heard from them there till above a dozen years afterwards. §111. But all those agents could obtain after their com- position with the lords, was merely the name of a new charter, granting only sp much of their former constitution as mentioned a residence of the governor or deputy ; a granting of escheat lands for two pounds of tobacco per acre, composition ; and that the lands should be held of the crown in the same tenure as East Greenwich, that is, free and common soccage, and have their immediate de- pendence on the crown.
§112. When this storm, occasioned by Bacon, was blown over, and all things quiet again, Sir William Berkeley called an assembly, for settling the affairs of the country, and for making reparation to such as had been oppressed. After which a regiment of soldiers arrived from England, which were sept to suppress the insurrection ; but they, coming after the busiqess was over, had no occasion to exercise their courage. However, they were kept on foot there about three years after, and in the Lord Colepepper's time, paid off and disbanded.
§113. The confusion occasioned by the civil war, and the advantage the Indians made of it in butcheriug the English upon all their frontiers, caused such a desolation, and put the country so far back, that to the year 1704 they hac} seated very little beyond the boundaries that were then inhabited. At that time Jamestown was again burnt down to the ground by Richard Laurence, one of Bacon's cap- tains, who, when his own men, that abhorred such barbar- ity, refused to pfrey his command, he himself became the
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DEATH OF BERKELEY. 71
executioner, and fired the houses with his own hands. This unhappy town did never after arrive to the perfec- tion it then had : and now it is almost deserted by remo- ving in Governor Nicholson's time the assembly and general court from thence to Williamsburg, an inland place about seven miles from it.
§114. With the regiment above mentioned arrived com- missioners, to enquire into the occasion and authors of this rebellion \ and Sir William Berkeley came to England : where from the time of his arrival, his sickness obliged him to keep his chamber till he died ; so that he had no oppor- tunity of kissing the king's hand. But his majesty declared himself well satisfied with his conduct in Virginia, and was very kind to him during his sickness* often enquiring after his health, and commanding him not to hazard it by too early an endeavor to come to court.
§115. Upon Sir William Berkeley's voyage to England, Herbert Jeffreys, Esq., was appointed governor. He made formal articles of peace with the Indians, and held an as-* sembly »at Middle Plantation, wherein they settled and al- lowed a free trade with the Indians \ but restrained it to certain marts, to which the Indians should bring their com- modities : and this also to be under such certain rules as were by that assembly directed. But this method was not agreeable to the Indians, who had never before been under any regulation. They thought, that if all former usages were not restored, the peace was not perfect ; and therefore did not much rely upon it, which made those new restric- tions useless.
Governor Jeffreys his time was very short there, he being taken off by death the year following.
§116. After him Sir Henry Chicheley was made deputy governor, in the latter end of the year 1678. In his time the assembly, for the greater terror of the Indians, built magazines at the heads of the four great rivers, and fur- nished them with arms, ammunition and men in constant service.
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72 GOVERNOR COLEPEPPER.
This assembly also prohibited the importation of tobacco, which Carolina, and sometimes Maryland, were wont to send thither, in order to its being shipped off for England. But in that, I think, Virginia mistook her interest. For, had they permitted this custom to become habitual, and thus engrossed the shipping, as would soon have happened, they could easily have regulated the trade of tobacco at any time, without the concurrence of those other colonies, and without submitting to their perverse humors as formerly.
§117. The spring following, Thomas Lord Colepepper arrived there governor, and carried with him some laws, which had been drawn up in England, to be enacted in their assembly. And coming with the advantage of restor- ing peace to a troubled nation, it was not difficult for him to obtain whatever he pleased from the people. His influ- ence too was the greater by the power he had of pardoning those who had a hand in the disorders committed in the late rebellion.
§ 1 1 8. In his first assembly he passed several acts very obliging to the country, viz., First, an act of naturalization, whereby the power of naturalizing foreigners was placed in the governor. Secondly, an act for cohabitation and encour- agement of trade and manufactures ; whereby a certain place in each county was appointed for a town, in which all goods imported and exported were to be landed and shipped off, bought and sold. Which act was kindly brought to nothing by the opposition of the tobacco merchants of Eng- land. Thirdly, an act of general pardon and oblivion, whereby all the transgressions and outrages committed in the tirne of the late rebellion were entirely remitted ; and repa- ration allowed to people that should be evil spoken of on that account.
§119. By passing some laws that obliged the country, the Lord Colepepper carried one that was very pleasing to him- self, viz., the act for raising a public revenue for the better support of the government. By this he got the duties con- tained therein to be made perpetual ; and that the money,
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GOVERNOR COLEPEPPER. 73
whieh before used to be accounted for to the assembly, should be from thenceforth disposed of by his majesty's sole direction; for the support of the government. When this was done, he obtained of the king out of the said duties ft salary of two thousand pounds per annum, instead of one thousand 3 which was formerly allowed. Also one hundred and sixty pounds per annum for house rent, besides all the usual perquisites.
§120. In those submissive times his lordship reduced the greatest perquisite of his place to a certainty, which before that was only gratuitous ; that is, instead of the masters of ships making presents of liquors or provisions towards the governor's house keeping, as they were wont to do, he de- manded a certain sum of money, remitting that custom. This rate has ever since been demanded of all commanders as a duty ; and is twenty shillings for each ship or vessel, under an hundred tons, and thirty shillings for each ship upwards of that burden, to be paid every voyage, or port clearing.
§121. This noble lord seemed to lament the unhappy state of the country in relation to their coin. He was ten- derly concerned that all their cash should be drained away by the neighboring colonies, which had not set so low an estimate upon it as Virginia ; and therefore he proposed the raising of it.
This was what the country had formerly desired, and the assembly was about making a law for it : but his lordship stopped them, alledging it was the king's prerogative, by vir- tue of which he would do it by proclamation. This they did not approve of, well knowing, if that were the case, his lordship and every other governor would at any time have the same prerogative of altering it, and so people should never be at any certainty ; as they quickly after found from his own practice. For his drift was only to make advan- tage of paying the soldiers ,• money for that purpose being put into his lordship's hands, he provided light pieces of eight, which he with this view had bought at a cheap rate. 10
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74 TOBACCO PLANTS DESTROYED.
When this contrivance was ripe for execution, he extended the royal prerogative, and issued forth a proclamation for raising (he value of pieces of eight from five to six shil- lings ) and as soon as they were admitted current at that value, he produced an order for paying and disbanding the soldiers. Then those poor fellows, and such as had main- tained them, were forced to take their pay in those light pieces of eight, at six shillings. But his lordship soon after himself found the inconvenience of that proclamation ; for people began to pay their duties, and their ship money in coin of that high estimate, which was like to cut short both his lordship's perquisites ; and so he was forced to make use of the same prerogative, to reduce the money again to its former standard.
§122. In less than a year the Lord Golepepper returned to England, leaving Sir Henry Chicheley deputy governor.
The country being then settled again, made too much to- bacco, or too much trash tobacco, for the market; and the merchants would hardly allow the planter any thing for it.
This occasioned much uneasiness again, and the people, from former experience, despairing of succeeding in any agreement with the neighboring governments, resolved a total destruction of the tobacco in that country, (especially of the sweet scented ,• because that was planted no where else. In pursuance of which design, they contrived that all the plants should be destroyed, while they were yet in the beds, and after it was too late to sow more.
Accordingly the ringleaders in this project began with their own first, and then went to cut up the plants of such of their neighbors as were not willing to do it themselves However, they had not resolution enough to go through with their work.
This was adjudged , sedition and felony. Several people were committed upon it, and some condemned to be hanged. And afterwards the assembly passed a law to make such proceedings felony for the future, (whatever it was before,) provided the company kept together after warning by a justice.
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QUARREL OF THE COUNCIL AND ASSEMBLY. 75
§123. After this accident of plant cutting, the Lord Cole- pepper returned, and held his second assembly, in which he conirived to gain another great advantage over the country. His lordship, in his first voyage thither, perceiving how easily he could twist and manage the people, conceived new hopes of retrieving the propriety of the Northern Neck, as being so small a part of the colony. He conceived that while the remainder escaped free, which wTas far the greater part, they would not engage in the interest of the lesser number ; especially considering the discouragements they had met with before, in their former solicitation : though all this while, and for many years afterwards, his lordship did not pretend to lay public claim to any part of the propriety.
It did not square with this project that appeals should be made to the general assembly, as till then had been the cus- tom. He feared the burgesses would be too much in the interest of their countrymen, and adjudge the inhabitants of the Northern Neck to have an equal liberty and privilege in their estates with the rest of Virginia, as being settled upon the same foot. In order therefore to make a better penny- worth of those poor people, he studied to overturn this odi- ous method of appealing to the assembly, and to fix the last resort in another court.
To bring this point about, his lordship contrived to blow up a difference in the assembly between the council and the burgesses, privately encouraging the burgesses to insist upon the privilege of determining all appeals by themselves, exclusive of the council ; because they, having given their opinions before in the general court, were, for that reason, unfit judges in appeals from themselves to the assembly. This succeeded according to his wish, and the burgesses bit at the bait, under the notion of privilege, never dreaming of the snake that lay in the grass, nor considering the dan- ger of altering an old constitution so abruptly. Thus my lord gained his end ; for he represented that quarrel with so many aggravations, that he got an instruction from the king to take away all appeals from the general court to the as-
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76 NORTHERN NECK DIFFICULTIES.
sembly, and cause them to be made to himself in council, if the thing in demand was of ^300 value, otherwise no appeal from the general court.
§124. Of this his lordship made sufficient advantage ; for in the confusion that happened in the end of king James the Second's reign, viz., in October 1688, he having got an assignment from the other patentees, gained a favorable report from the king's council at law upon his patent for the Northern Neck.
When he had succeeded in this, his lordship's next step was to engage some noted inhabitant of the place to be on his side. Accordingly he made use of his cousin Secretary Spencer, who lived in the said Neck, and was esteemed as wise and great a man as any of the council. This gentle- man did but little in his lordship's service, and only gained some few strays, that used to be claimed by the coroner, in behalf of the king.
Upon the death of Mr. Secretary Spencer, he engaged another noted gentleman, an old stander in that country, though not of the Northern Neck, Col. Philip Ludwell, who was then in England. He went over with this grant in the year 1690, and set up an office in the Neck, claim- ing some escheats ; 'but he likewise could make nothing of it. After him Col. George Brent and Col. William Fitz- Hugh, that were noted lawyers and inhabitants of the said Neck, were employed in that affair : but succeeded no better than their predecessors. The people, in the mean while, complained frequently to their assemblies, who at last made another address to the king 5 but there being no agent in England to prosecute it, that likewise miscarried. At last Colonel Richard Lee, one of the council, a man of note and inhabitant of the Northern Neck, privately made a com- position with the proprietors themselves for his own land. This broke the ice, and several were induced to follow so great an example ; so that by degrees, they were generally brought to pay their quit-rents into the hands of the proprie- tors' agents. And now at last it is* managed for them by
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LORD HOWARD, GOVERNOR. 77
Col. Robert Carter, another of the council, and the greatest freeholder in that proprietary.
§125. To return to rny Lord Colepepper's government, I cannot omit a useful thing which his lordship was pleased to do, with relation to their courts of justice. It seems, nicety of pleading, with all the juggle of Westminster Hail, was creeping into their courts. The clerks began in some cases to enter the reasons with the judgments, pretending to set precedents of inviolable form to be observed in all future proceedings. This my lord found fault with, and retrenched all dilatory pleas, as prejudicial to justice, keeping the courts close to the merits of the cause, in order to bring it to a speedy determination, according to the innocence of for- mer times, and caused the judgments to be entered up short, without the reason, alledging that their courts were not of so great experience as to be able to make precedents to posterity ; who ought to be left at liberty to determine, according to the equity of the controversy before them.
§ 126. In his time also were dismantled the forts built by Sir Henry Chicheley at the heads of the rivers, and the forces there were disbanded, as being too great a charge. The assembly appointed small parties of light horse in their stead, to range by turns upon the frontiers. These being chosen out of the neighboring inhabitants, might afford to serve at easier rates, and yet do the business more effectu- ally ; they were raised under the title or name of rangers.
§127. After this the Lord Colepepper returned again for England, his second stay not being much longer than the first ; and Sir Henry Chicheley being dead, he proclaimed his kinsman, Mr. Secretary Spencer, president, though he was not the eldest member of the council.
§128. The next year, being 1684, upon the Lord Cole- pepper's refusing to return, Francis, Lord Howard of Effing- ham, was sent over governor. In order to increase his per- quisites, he imposed the charge of an annual under seal of twenty shillings each for school masters; five pounds for law- yers at the general court, and fifty shillings each lawyer at
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78 DUTY ON LiaUORS.
the county courts. He also extorted an excessive fee for putting the seal to all probates of wills, and letters of ad- ministration, even where the estates of the deceased were of the meanest value. Neither could any be favored with such administration, or probate, without paying that extor- tion. If any body presumed to remonstrate against it, his lordship's behavior towards that man was very severe. He kept several persons in prison and under confinement, from court to court, without bringing them to trial. Which pro- ceedings, and many others, were so oppressive, that com- plaints were made thereof to the king, and Colonel Philip Ludwell was appointed agent to appear against him in England. Whereupon the seal-money was taken off.
§ 129. During the first session of assembly in this noble lord's time, the duty on liquors imported from the other English plantations, was first imposed. It was then laid, on pretence of lessening the levy by the poll, for payment of public taxes ; but more especially for rebuilding the State house, which had not been rebuilt since Laurence burnt it in Bacon's time.
This duty was at first laid on wine and rum only, at the rate of three pence per gallon, with an exemption of all such as should be imported in the ships of Virginia owners. But the like duty has since been laid on other liquors also, and is raised to four pence per gallon on wine and rum, and one penny per gallon on beer, cider,